VOL. I. JUNE, 1908 No. 9 THE FAR EAST The Grand Expo- sition of Japan, and its Relation to Foreign Trade Viscount Kantko The Commercial In- tegrity of Nippon Adachi Kinnosuke Autobiography of Prince Ito Hir- obumi The -New East in the Making Asada Maiuo The Development of Shipyards and Ship-Building In- dustry of Nippon Hirala Takateki m* gar 6M QuhiialjMB G*>* DETROIT, MICH., U. S. A. :TY CENTS THE COPY. THREE DOLLARS THE YEi The Far East Adachi Kinnosuke, Proprietor and Editor JUNE, 1908 CONTENTS PORTRAIT OF VISCOUNT KANEKO THE GRAND EXPOSITION OF JAPAN, AND ITS RELATION TO FOREIGN TRADE (Illustrated) AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUMI— IV Being an account of his life told by himself and recorded by (Illustrated) THE COMMERCIAL INTEGRITY OF NIPPON FRONTISPIECE VISCOUNT KANEKO OHASHI OTOWA ADACHI KINNOSUKE HAS JAPAN THE BETTER NAVY? PROF. D. K. LAMBUTH THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING The Trade of Taken Telephones in Fuchao The Trans-Pacific Service Oriental Colonization Company China and the Press Visit of the American Squadron to Nippon, and the Attitude of the People of Nippon International Struggle on the Yangtse River China and Her Army The Alignment of Political Parties in the Imperial Diet, House of Representatives Nippon Funds for the Korean Treasury Germany and Shansi The Financial Crisis in Nippon— Its Cause Russia is Still in Manchuria The Railway Construction Dispute in Manchuria In Manchuria (Illustrated) DEVELOPMENT OF SHIPYARDS AND SHIP-BUILDING INDUSTRY OF NIPPON (Illustrated) ON THE BUDGET FOR THE FISCAL YEAR, 1908 ASADA MASUO 480 427 435 $ HIRATA TAKATOKI BARON MATSUDA Copyright, 1908, by The Far East Publishing Co., Application made at the Detroit Post-office to be entered as second class matter. The Addison, Published Monthly by The Far East Publishing Co., Detroit, Mich, U. S. A. A-3Jap of ttje Nan-§l|anH &iuin.csteb by the (flliiueoe UJlaaaic (fhtatraiu of (ficucral Nuai I. ^^^^Ije bay ia tome : - Anb tlje waters of tlje m ^| Pecljili are golb anb emeralb anb fire ; - ""M" mtjtte star, gleaming against tlje alien sky - v 1 ^f (A mere tofjite stone, some may say, uritlj 7 [ mljiclj your comraoe markeo tlje spot you fell) ban 2jtll. onci — III. uiljite star, bib 31 sag ? UKaytjap it he a Proptjet robeb in uiljite ligljt tjuftjat gon see glim- mering against tlje rose of tlje sun-bourn sea ; *I 'QJis tlje storg of tlje neui Nippon to be, tljat tlje Prupljet tells npon gonber uiljite stone ^f (At once tlje tomb of a son of Nogi, anb tlje crable of tlje greater Nippon) Sfljere, a-top of tlje Nan-01jan ijill. In May 1904 the battle of Nan-Shan was fought. General Oku defeated the Russians and isolated Port Arthur. The eldest son of General Nogi lost his life in this battle. His comrade found the body, dug a grave with his own sword and burried him on the i..»st p| tne Nan-Shan Hill which commanded the fairest of the Gulf of Pechih. tb tne early summer of the same year General Nogi was appointed the commander ot tl.» hesieging army of Nippon at Port Arthur. General Nogi rode out from Kin-chau to taVe ^mmand. The sun was falling on the Gulf of Pechili as the General skirted the foot ol 4v- Nan-Shan. }t seemed as though the summer day was gathering all the glories of earth andUfoes upon the white stone which marked the tomb of his eldest son, a-top of the Nan-Shan Hill, arid the General composed a Chinese quatrain which has passed into classics. VISCOUNT KANEKO, Director-General of the Grand Exposition 1912. The Far East Vol. I. June 1908. No. 9. THE GRAND EXPOSITION OF JAPAN, AND ITS RELATION TO FOREIGN TRADE. Being a speech by Viscount Kaneko before the Yokohama Foreign Board of Trade, at the Im- perial Hotel, on the Evening of December 23rd, 1907. OUTWARDLY and in name, the exhibition would be domes- tic, but in materials we expect to make it an international one. Then you might ask me, why do we not call it an international exhibition? But when we look upon the pres- ent condition of Japan, the condition of the people, and the condition of transportation and social conveniences, we are not yet in a proper position to welcome foreign governments and peoples; therefore, we dare not ask them to come with a notion of participating in such an interna- tional exposition, as they are accustomed to in Europe and America, but we simply extend our most cordial invitation to asisst us in our domestic exhibition. LIMITATIONS OF EXHIBITS. Neither do we dare ask foreign governments and peoples to send all their products, because the space at our disposal is not large enough to take them all. For this reason, the exhibits are limited under five heads — Education, Science, Machinery, Electricity and Manufactured Goods. But here let me say a few words ; If any foreign government or corporation would like to send the articles not included in the foregoing categories, such an exhibitor can build at his own expense a separate building, governmental or private, where he can exhibit whatever produce he likes; of course, the space allotted him will be free of charge, and we do not expect to collect a single penny in this connection. PLAN OF EXHIBITION. The sight of the exhibition grounds includes the former Parade Ground at Aoyama, belonging to the Army Department, which covers about 1 40,000 tsubo.* This is not sufficent for our purpose, and we submitted a humble request to His Imperial Majesty, the Emporer, who has granted us the use of his Imperial Estate of Yoyogi. This is nearly 160,000 tsubo,* much larger than the Parade Ground. These two places will be connected by a wide avenue, extending somewhere over 700 ken* in length. * One tsubo equals about four yards. * One ken equals six feet. '— 410 THEFAREAST The site has 'been decided somewhat after the fashion of the Exhibition lately held at Milan, and also is similar to the site of the late Exhibition at Liege. These two grounds are connected by wide avenues, thus we might say that the Belgian and Italian Exhibitions gave us an example. ASIATIC PRODUCTS. We have studied the coming exhibition from special points of view. First we expect to make it a genuine representative display of Asiatic products. As far as we know, no exhibition has even been held taking in the whole of Asia for the special benefit of the people of the West. The gentleman on my left, the Chinese Consul-General, will, I am sure, assist us all in his power to make the exhibition meet our aim, and bring a success in this respect. The next point, we expect to make the exhibition a special one in con- nection with the Western Colonies in the East. The gentlemen here present have lived in Japan many years, and have studied the trade in the Far East. As you all know, the Colonies of Europe and America in Asia are now coming rapidly to the front in international commerce. The products of these colonies are coming to Japan, some in the form of raw material, and others in a manufactured shape. This colonial trade of Japan is now held as an important factor of our future commerce in the Indian Archipelago and Asiatic waters. Furthermore, it extends beyond the equator to New Zealand, Australia, and many other parts of the world. We expect to make Japan the center of the colonial trade of Western nations in the Far East. MACHINERY AND ELECTRICITY. In regard to machinery, electricity and manufactured goods, I appeal to your special consideration. You, gentlemen, have studied the growth of our commercial conditions. Japan has just entered the industrial comity; in other words, Japan is just transforming her former industries, as have been in Europe seventy or eighty years ago. Europe was once in the state of home industries, whose factories were found here and there by the road- side, or by little streams. Although Japan is now rapidly changing her in- dustrial condition, we would ask you to bear in mind that we are yet in a very imperfect state. Therefore we ask the Western people, with their ex- perience and scientific knowledge, to bring their new machines and new inventions, and show us how to change properly from home industry to the factory system, of which Europe and America are so proud to-day. So with regard to machinery, I hope you will influence your people at home to bring such machines as will fit in the present condition of Japan. Supposing you bring a machine, which is so gigantic that we could not possibly utilize it in - -v r~ THE FAR EAST 411 this country at present, I fear that it might he shipped back after the the exhibi- tion. Therefore I hope you will tell your home people just what dimensions, what horsepower, and what kinds of machines are needed for our use. MACHINES TO BE BOUGHT. Our Government desires every exhibitor from foreign countries to bring such machines as will find Japanese purchasers at the exhibition. We do not want foreign exhibitors to take their machines back home. We hope to have every one of them bought by our people, and the exhibitors return home with a prospect of future trade. That is the wish of our Imperial Government. Consequently we may possibly limit the horsepower of machinery by the regu- lation shortly to be issued, with a view simply to guide foreign exhibitors in the class of machines needed in Japan at present. In this connection, I might emphasize two kinds that are most needed now, particularly the hand machines, and those having to do with electricity. As you know already, Japan is a mountainous country. From the coast to the base of the hills, the distance is so short that there are many rapids and waterfalls, just as in Switzerland, or Sweden and Norway. Water-power is found everywhere, and we expect to utilize it by such machinery as is used in those countries. Therefore, if such machinery should be brought here, and its working explained by foreign engineers, the Japanese will then understand its usefulness, and the machines will be sent for from different parts of the country, where the pools, water-falls and rapids are abundant. Moreover, the street cars, elec- tric light and many electrical plants are still in the stage of infancy. In these lines we need an assistance of foreign exhibitors. We cannot develop our foreign trade or increase it without the assistance of Western people. Therefore we earnestly request your assistance to make this exhibition a success. MUTUAL ADVANTAGES. With regard to manufactured goods, you are more or less directly or indirectly acquainted. As we have no large factories to supply even our own needs, so there is a very large margin to be filled up by the manufactured goods of Europe and America. Let your keen business men come to Japan and compare our articles with their own, they will no doubt find many things that will be supplied by their goods much cheaper than we make them here; because our industrial establishments are not up to the mark of the Western countries. Moreover, they will find many articles made in Japan, which can be sent profitably home for commercial purposes. Thus the coming ex- hibition could be easily made a reciprocal benefit and a mutual gain, as well as an interchange of ideas. I might enumerate many examples to corroborate What I have already said. The machine for cutting a timber has been in- > -T~ — T 412 THE FAR EAST traduced !by our Government within the last year or two, to be used in the Government forests. Formerly we used to cut our timber by hand-saw; but now we are using the machines imported from England. Such as dye- ing substances from Germany, glass wares from Belgium, and engines and iron materials from the United States, and wines and artistic goods from France, are the important articles in our foreign trade which has grown enormously within the last few years. If this exhibition is carried out in a proper way, it will prove a decided benfit both to Japan and foreign nations. Therefore do I hope, gentlemen, to have this Grand Exhibition of 1912, not merely a temporary display of foreign products, but one of lasting effect upon our international commerce. We expect to make this coming World's Fair a reciprocal and mutual benefit, by bringing foreign machines and goods nearer and closer to the Japanese market. So closely interwoven should these commercial interests become, that no power on earth could dis- turb our cordial relations with foreign nations, which have been so happily maintained for a half century. 1 r, THE FAR EAST 413 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUMI. Being an account of his life told by himself to and recorded by OHASHI OTOWA. IV. ^^^^^^HERE was a man by the name of Asada. Both Kido and m C~\ Nakamura Kuro had reasons to treat him with deference and ^^ 1 respect. But this man had a taint of insanity in his blood ; an ^^^^^ insane fit attacked him once When he was in Kyoto, but he had recovered completely. He was exceedingly truthful and honest. Such men as Yoshida in his mistaken moments, used to call him crooked and traitorous, but there was no truth in that. He was not quite strong enough, however, to unify all the Choshu elements in Kyoto. Anarchic conditions prevailed among us; every man followed his own bent, directed his actions according to his own judgment, there was no unity amongst us in our movements, but Nakamura was endowed with an exceptionally great administrative power, beside him were Asada, Maeda Magoemon, Mori and Noboru; these were all thoughtful, conservative, gentle and truthful men. Kido and Takasugi were not quite their peers. Asada withdrew from the company one day. The rumor had it that it was on account of the wound in- flicted upon him by Nakamura brothers, Akagawa, Sakuma, and others. I heard the story of this incident from the men of the Kido and Takasugi party, it is quite one-sided therefore, and I had no way of hearing the story from the side of Asada. Nakamura seized this opportunity, and declared that this was the one chance to make Takasugi one of the officers. He tried to carry out his program through the co-operation of the men of Kihei Ta't. For that reason Akane and his associates did not look upon Nakamura in an evil light. So it came to pass that Nakamura and Kido did not become any more friendly. As for Kishima, he was one of those men who put upon himself the airs of a despotic captain, — just an ideal man for the commissioner of police, — and was utterly indifferent as to the political aspects of things. There was another man called Maki Izumi, he was the head of the ronin. He was a man whom Hisazaka greatly admired. As for Nakamura, he was proud of his attainments in Chinses classics, and associated with the ronin on scholarly plane, and he was one of those who did not for one moment, permit anybody to step ahead of him. Hisazaka had never been known to have had any serious quarrel with Takasugi. He did not occupy an important official position, at the same time he was always at the head of young blades, and he moreover and always, carried out his ideas on independent lines. He was one of the pupils of Yoshida Shoin, and did a great deal in promoting the sentiment of Kinno Joi among the outsiders. He had no special dislike against Nakamura. Those 414 THE FAR EAST whom he looked upon as vile and as his bitter enemies were the men in power, or near the dais of the shogun. As for Kijima, he was a singular fellow. Shogun Iemochi entered Kyoto in the spring of the third year of Bunkyu. This visit of the Shogun was the result of repeated and persistent communica- tions from Kyoto, requesting him to pay his respects to the Emperor at Kyoto. But the visit of the Shogun did not unify the policy or the public opinions of the Empire. His visit was barren of results, therefore the shogun begged leave to depart from Kyoto and return to Edo. That was the occasion when Takasugi declared that he would assassinate the shogun. The dusk was just falling upon the city of Kyoto, but the discussions among us were stormy, and nothing was decided. In the morning of the day came to us a man of Higo called Minami Hachiro. "I've caught it on the tiding of the winds that you are about to do something. Pray let your servant be one of the number." But Takasugi said to him; "We do not think that we should trouble you about this matter," ajid declined to take him into the com- pany. At once he committed harakiri. That was in the morning of the day following the night of the heated discussion. As the day wore on, we decided that we should assassinate the shogun at the Kuge Gate, because the shogun was to have imperial audience that night — a farewell audience before he started for Edo. Just before we decided to start out on our work, I returned to my lodging in Kiya Street. At the official residence of Kawamachi, there was Kishima. He was one of the officers of the clan, and in fact was in charge of the official yashiki- Nevertheless, he said, "By all means. Hit away, and hit sure!" He at once ordered the preparation of lunches which we were to carry with us. It was decided that sixteen or seventeen of us should do this work. One fellow whose name was Oraku Gentaro showed his "lily liver," and absolutely melted away in no time to nowhere. It seemed that this fellow betrayed us and went to the Takatsukasa House. The retainers of Prince Takatsukasa, greatly amazed, rushed to the palace. The shogun had not left the palace, and the palace officers assured the retainer of Prince Takat- sukasa that they would not permit the Shogun to venture out from the palace that night. So the entire plan ended without farther development. Much has been said of the meeting of Takasugi and Saigo, that is — just before Takasugi raised his standard of revolt. This is questionable. There is a document written by Hazakawa, but he mentions nothing of the sort. I was one of about forty men who used to gather together in those days, and it is impossible that we should not have known something of it, had it actually happened. The story of the interview between Saigo and Takasugi, therefore, must have been a fiction ; as a matter of fact, there was no chance of Takasugi meeting Saigo at that time, face to face. The Choshu had not made up with Satsuma in those days. The chief among the men who brought about the unification of Choshu and Satsuma was Sakamoto Ryuma. THE FAR EAST 415 After our return from abroad, and not very long after that, there arose a violent dissention in the Choshu clan. At the time there was a sort of per- sonal guard of honor to our Lord. The company was composed of picked men of the clan and was called Sempotai, — the Van-guard, that is to say. — Some of them began to say that Inoue and Ito came back from Europe, and after they came home, they stirred up so much trouble that all this dis- cussion among the clansmen was the direct result of their return. It would never do to let them live in peace. They decided, therefore once for all, to kill us both, and on that very night. Inoue said to me, "Now we have come back, so far, so good. But it is not quite satisfactory to be cut down by any people before we accomplish the end for which we have taken so much trouble in getting ourselves home. Rather than to be killed by others," he said to me, "I would commit seppuku." I said to Inoue: — "That would never do. Since we have started in this work, we cannot retrace our steps. If we be doomed to be cut down by our enemy, there is no help for it. If they come to us to-night, even if they be in great numbers, we have our own swords, and we shall die fighting, and that is all there is to it." So saying, we decided not to commit harakiri. But very fortunately, the clan as a clan, somehow managed to stop these men of the Van-guard, and the expected assassination did not come to pass. There was in Choshu in those days, another band of soldiers, they called themselves Kiheitai. It was organized at first by Takasugi. Yamagata (Field-marshall Prince Yamagata of to-day) was one of them. Even after Takasugi accepted an official position, the men of his company were friendly to him. At the time of our return, Takasugi was shut up in prison. The men of the Kiheitai came to see us off and on. They said to us, "It's too bad. But, it can't be helped. In the days of old, you used to be one of us, and for the sake of the olden days, we shall never kill you." So we enjoyed their protection. A similar situation exists to-day between the two political parties of our country, the liberal party and the progressionists. Days passed ; they were full of many dangerous incidents ; speaking gener- ally and in short, die twelve days of grace which we had secured from the min- isters of the foreign powers were about to expire. Their men-of-war were wait- ing for the answer, and the answer must be given. We had had many a conference with the officers of the clan, but nothing definite was settled on this point. The last day approached, on which we had to return and carry our answer. Meanwhile, there was convened in the Administration Hall in the city of Yamaguchi, what may be called a cabinet conference of the clan. At the meeting of this clan cabinet, it was declared that the Choshu clan simply carried out the imperial commands and wishes in its anti-foreign attitude and action. In order to stop the hostile measures regarding its anti-foreign actions, 416 THE FAR EAST therefore, an imperial order to that effect was necessary. It was impossible to stop the hostile action toward the foreigners by the private decision of the Choshu clan itself, and therefore, when the Lord of Choshu will pay his respects at the Imperial Court in the city of Kyoto, he will inquire into the imperial wishes, and thereafter will answer to the communications of the foreign powers as to the future action of the Choshu clan. This course meant further delay; therefore the Choshu clan wished to have at least three months before the delivery of the final answer. If the representatives of the foreign powers were to come to Bakwaji or Shimonoseki three months later, therefore, they will be ready with the answer. On the other hand, if it pleased them to declare war, why, the Choshu clan was perfectly delighted to see them do so at any time. They were always ready to receive them when our foreign friends would come. But this answer was exceedingly unsatisfactory to us. This was not the sort of answer we promised the foreign minister at all. I talked it over with Inoue, and he said to me: "This is bad. How can we take such an outlandish answer, even to a foreigner? But, of course, even so ungracious an answer is very much better than telling them a lie." Thereupon, we de- cided to carry this answer back to our foreign friends. This time we took a boat from Mitajiri and went to Himejima. We reached Himejima on the night of the eleventh day. The foreign ships were ready to weigh anchor the following morning. When we saw Mr. Satow, he said to us: "Well, I am delighted to see you back; we had no idea that you were still alive." He at once brought out a bottle of champagne, and then asked us, "How have you fared? What answer have you brought back?" Then we told him that we did everything we could, but all went for naught. "What answer have you brought back to our communication?" he asked us. "There is no particular answer," we said, "to your communication." "Well, then," said Mr. Satow, "did not they give you even a receipt for our communi- cation?" "No," we said, "not even a receipt. Now, all the answer that we have brought back is that we are ready to apologize for this failure to bring back a satisfactory answer, with our own lives." "In that case," Mr. Satow said to us, "we may perhaps have the pleasure of seeing you gentlemen under a shower of bullets." The parting was not at all enjoyable. We went back; the time was critical. In Choshu preparations were made for a number of the leading men of the clan to make their way up to Kyoto in company with Prince Sanjo, and other nobles, seven in all. The lord of our clan, Lord Gentoku, was to head this special embassy to the capital. In the city of Kyoto itself, as I have said, there were Fukuhara, Masuda, Kokushi, and there was also Kido. War was in the air. It was indeed imminent. The reason I ttV: ffcV ftw in m*± THE FAR EAST 417 for this special embassy accompanying these seven nobles was — so ran the public announcement — to present a petition to the Imperial Court at Kyoto. In reality, however, it was not to beg the Imperial Court to forgive us, the men of Choshu, for whatever faults of which we had been guilty, but on the contrary, the men of Choshu were to take advantage of this oppor- tunity, to prove that their former actions had no other significance than obeying the orders of the Imperial Court, and carrying His Majesty's wishes into action. The outcome of it all, as all men knew, was to bring about a fight. There was nothing at the end of this embassy except a pitched battle. As I have already mentioned, one of the elders of the clan was called Shimizu Seitaro. He came from a prominent family. One of his fore- fathers was called Shimizu Chosaemon, whose name became famous in con- nection with the siege of Takamatsu Castle, when the Castle was flooded by water. Rather than to see the fall of the Castle, he committed harakiri, as we all know. One day Elder Shimizu wished to hear our side of the story. We certainly did not hesitate to speak frankly. He was good enough to say, "What you say is quite right; I agree with you." He went on to say, "From this day I shall take a similar view of the situation with you; I shall agree to lock up the anti- foreign antagonism of mine in my own heart, and for fifty years to come. But I want you to go at once to Kyoto; it will never do to have anything happen in the city of Kyoto at the present time. I wish you would go up to Kyoto and take the matter up with Anato Samanosuke and his comrades. I want you to persuade them to give up their anti-foreign propaganda, and turn their activities into another channel. Let them employ all their efforts and influence to bring about the restoration of the Imperial power." We assented at once, and started for Kyoto. We reached Oka'yama in the Province of Bizen. There we met a company of a few straggling soldiers. They were going home to Choshu. They were the broken and defeated fragments of the Choshu men, from Kyoto way. So they had fought; they had been defeated. We found out that Prince Sanjo and the seven nobles took the same route and returned to Muronotsu in the Province of Harima. There was nothing whatever to do after that, so we too, returned to Mitajiri. The lord of the clan at once summoned the council. The defeat at Kyoto changed the aspect of things very largely, as far as Choshu was concerned. Everybody saw that it would be a difficult task to invite a fleet of foreign powers once more into Bakwan and fight against them. The chief point discussed at the conference was how to aver? such a predicament. The council devoted time and attention in discussing practi- cal methods and in detail, of preventing such an attack from the foreign ships. Everybody recognized the difficulty of it. It was not impossible to avert the attack from foreigners at the time when we paid our first 418 THE FAR EAST visit to Choshu with the message from the combined fleet. Time had changed, however, and it was no easy matter to induce the foreigners to listen to our peace proposal again. With it all, we decided to do our best, at least we would try. At that time it was impossible for us to return to Yokohama, there was no other way open to us save to make for Nagasaki. As we were discussing the means to bring this about, we received the news, and that within a very few days after the council was in session, that eighteen ships of war were sighted off Himejima. When the news reached Ohoshu we were at a hotel in Yamajguchi. Sufu Masanosuke had been serving a sentence of penal confinement at the time of our return, but was suddenly called out of his enforced retirement. The gentleman called upon us, and said to us: "We have just received a report of the coming of the foreign ships. Are there no means of preventing them from bombarding our coast? We said that it was exceedingly improbable and extremely difficult to bring about anything of that kind; we told him that this time the foreigners must have returned with a thorough intention of opening hostility, and pointed out many other difficulties which were in the way. But still this man, who was serving at the time as a member of the clan cabinet, if one may call him such, insisted on finding some method of meeting the situation, of making the foreigners stop the hostile action against us. "Well," we said, "we may approach them with a proposition of the following type: we shall say to the foreigners that we would be willing to enter into a treaty agreement of furnishing them with food and water, and also permit them free intercourse at Bakwan. So it was agreed that we should start at once. We were to be armed with this proposal in form, stamped with the official seal of the Lord of our Clan. There was no time to summon the council, and for that reason the document was taken to our lord in his bed-chamber, and the official seal was placed by him without loss of time. We were to be accompanied by a man of Mitajiri, Matsushima Kozo, who enjoyed the title of an admiral. The order was at once issued to him to accompany us. The following morning, we started for Mitajiri. We took a boat and sailed out toward Himejima where the fleet was reported to be. The distance was about seven or eight ri (one ri equals about two and one-half miles). We had to row every inch of our way. It was a little past three o'clock in the afternoon we sighted steam- ships, evidently the vessels of the combined fleet, steaming for Shimonoseki. We saw the uselessness of chasing the steamers with our boat, so we changed our direction and rowed back. We gave up all hope of stopping the for- eigners from carrying out their hostile intentions. That night we returned to Mitajiri, and did not reach Yamaguchi until the next day. On our return, we found that Takasugi, who had been imprisoned at Hagi, had been set free. Of course in those days Takasugi was not THE FAR EAST 419 allowed to go abroad anywhere he wished. He was under strict surveillance and was confined to his own house. Long before this, we had felt the neces- sity of talking a number of affairs over with Takasugi. As soon as we found that he was out of prison, we agreed that at least one of us should go to see him. Inoue went over, therefore, and saw Takasugi. A little later, I too, was able to pay him a visit. He said to me: "I had been serving my term in prison, but all of a sudden I was called out of it. I have not been told that my sentence has been revoked, or that I am forgiven for whatever crime with which I had been charged Simply I was called out because there was some official business. I don't under- stand this proceeding at all." We talked the matter over, and agreed that it was useless for us to be in Hagi. We agreed to make haste to go to Bakwan, and so, about two o'clock in the afternoon of the very same day we took kago, both of us, and started for Bakwan. Inoue had preceded us there. On our way toward Bakwan, as we reached a small village some two ri distant from Himachi, we heard the report of cannons. It came from the direction of Bakwan. It was about ten o'clock in the evening, perhaps a little later. We met someone who came from the direction of Bakwan ; he was riding a fago, but had a white band around his head, and with his shoes on. We stopped him and asked who he was. We were told that he was a Choshu sumurai. In answer to our question, he told us that the war had began at Bakwan, and he was on his way to report the situation to the lord of the clan. We did not stop, neither did we turn back; we kept on going. Once more we met another k&§o, and we found that it was Inoue who was coming back from Bakwan. We stopped our k^go, and at once put our heads together, three of us, in a serious dis- cussion. Inoue told us that he not only went to Bakwan, but actually went to the men-of-war, and moreover, saw Mr. Satow, face to face. Mr. Satow told him that this time he was ready to make a present of cannon balls, and he would not discuss the matter any further. "On my way home," so said Inoue, "I passed by the Fort of Dannoura, and I noticed that a very, very few of the shells from the Armstrong guns told on the fort; most of them went over it. But," he said, "now that they have opened fire upon us, the peace would not be brought about until after we shall have fought it out. This war may wipe us out. Let us go home, three of us, and urge our lord to take the field in person. Nothing would have such a powerful influence on the awakening of the spirit of Choshu among our men, as the personal leadership of the Lord of the Clan." 420 THE FAR EAST THE COMMERCIAL INTEGRITY OF NIPPON. BY ADACHI KINNOSUKE. XT was in the City of New York, and it was in the office of a large steel export company : — "I hear so much, and so often, of the low commercial moral- ity of the Japanese. How about it? Is there anything to it? "Mr. Manager," I said, "you are at die head of one of the largest industrial corporations in the United States : you are a business man. Let me put this question to you : — Suppose to-morrow you were to adopt the Jew- peddler policy of skinning everybody that may come to deal with you; for how many years do you suppose your company will hold its high standing of today?" "Oh," said the Manager, "not many years — two or three years perhaps." "Let me give you a few figures from a simple statistical table," I said to him. "In 1 868 the foreign commerce of Nippon amounted in value to 1 5,553,- 473 yen. In the year of Grace, 1907, the foreign trade of Nippon amounted to 924,708,000 yen. Within half a century our foreign commerce bridged the distance between the fifteen and half million pen mark to nearly one billion yen mark. The growth has not been a sudden one; — gradual, natural, healthy. You, as a business man, pray read the significance of these two statistical figures. It is not a question of ethics at all. It is simply the question of business sense. No business can possibly be built up on any other basis than that you would satisfy your customer, and in this world rare indeed are the customers who are pleased with any other method on the part of a merchant save that of unscrupulous honesty. Our American friends seem to give us credit for having common ordinary horse-sense. Admit that we are not a race of idiots or mad men; you must at the same time grant that the business methods of our country are not very far different from those of the Christian lands." One great weakness, the American has — it is his grandmotherly, desperate weakness for a good story. When Nippon stepped out of the comparative obscurity of a third-class power into the full glare at the center of the world's stage, almost with a bounce — as far as the understanding of our Western friends was concerned — with the spectacular doings in the late war, many good stories were told of us. Among others, this; that we are a race which can fight fairly well, but when it comes to commercial dealings we are woe- fully lacking in principle. Now this sad reputation of the Nippon merchants has its foundation. In the early days of our foreign commerce it was the adventurers, the riff-raffs of the West, that came to our shores. At a few open ports, which were opened for foreign commerce in the early days, there were no conservative THE FAR EAST 421 merchants who were willing to do business with foreigners because first, they had plenty to do at home, and because secondly, they knew practically nothing of the business methods and characters of foreign merchants. They did not care to deal with them. So it came to pass that the foreign adventurers who landed at our shores were compelled to deal with the Nippon traders at the treaty ports. To begin with, these, our adventurers, were past masters of Oriental tricks of trade. By the time they finished with our foreign friends, they were the past masters of both the eastern and western tricks. It also came to pass that in their dealings with foreigners some of them became rich. Then came the transition period. More responsible merchants abroad awoke to the possibilities of the Oriental trade, and driving before them the adventurers, they came to our shores to trade. The active participation in for- eign trade gained ground with western merchants much more rapidly than it did with the conservative merchants of Nippon. When the good western houses came to us to trade, our conservative mercantile houses were still utterly in- different to have any dealing with them. Now these western merchants of good standing and good record, when they came to our treaty ports, found no conservative merchants of ours of unquestioned standing to do business with. There was only one kind of Nippon merchants who was willing to deal with them — the same old adventurous class. I have already said that some of them became wealthy in their dealings. When, therefore, the western merchants of good standing came and saw a certain number of merchants, let us say in Yokohama, and saw that they were rated as wealthy men, not knowing any- thing of their past records or the character of these lucky men of wealth of the adventurous class of our merchants, the western houses at once jumped to the conclusion that they were well-to-do merchants of good standing. They did business with them. The past masters in the tricks of both the East and the West smashed the decalogue with every dealing they had with these merchants of good standing. The howl went up. That was natural. This then was the beginning. One dog bitten is very apt to make more noise than a thousand dogs well fed. Moreover, it is a good story to tell — especially when Nippon was showing to the civilized and Christian world a rare spectacle — far rarer in these days than the feeding of five thousand with a few loaves and fishes was in the classic days of Rome and of our Lord — of conducting perhaps the greatest campaign history has ever known, of handling over six hundred million dollars of public money without so much as a hint of graft, without so much as a cent going astray into a private purse — I say it is a good story to tell of the Nippon merchant who could give many a pointer to the shrewd folks of the Ghetto, when the world rang with the marvelous tales of unquestioned integrity and honesty on the part of Nippon public men. And that is not all. There is a class of merchants, most of them residing in Nippon, who are there either from America or Europe, and who are known 422 THE FAR EAST under the general name of "commission merchants." The sad reputation of Nippon merchants to them is something more than a good story. To these commission merchants residing in Nippon, it means dollars and cents. For this reason — let the importers and buyers in Europe and America get an idea that the Nippon merchants are thoroughly trustworthy, that there is no danger whatever in dealing with them direct, would the American or the European merchants be foolish enough to pay half a red cent to a middleman whom they did not need? It can be seen readily therefore, that it is to the advantage of this class of merchants, the commission merchants, to foster the evil reports of the commercial integrity of the Nippon merchants in the minds of the western buyers and sellers. The commission men will say to their customers back home in America and Europe: "You know that you cannot trust the Japanese at all. You don't know them. If you were to try to do business direct with them they would skin the Jew let alone a generous customer like yourself. Let us handle your business. We don't charge you much, and then we know these Japanese, they cannot fool us." And to these amiable people is due the Christian work of throwing broadcast highly entertaining stories about the shady doings of the Nippon merchants. Another phase — It was in the City of Chicago very recently, I had the pleasure of talking with a representative of one of the greatest press makers of the world. Said he to me, "We sent to Japan one of these great presses, just one, and we haven't sent another." "Why?" I said. "Oh, you know," said he, "You fellows over there are so clever that you just buy one machine of us, and when you get it over there you take it to pieces and at once begin to manufacture the whole thing, and by Jove! you imitate even the name pUte." I laughed; partially because it was a good story; partially because of the unconscious humor to which this friend of mine was treating himself and me, at the ex- pense of his common sense. I said, "Perhaps you can tell me better than I can tell you, how many different machines are necessary to manufacture the hundred different parts of this great press. You can tell me better than I can tell you, how much capital would be involved in the purchase and estab- lishment of one hundred or one thousand different machines which manufac- ture the different parts of this great press. Now I can tell you better than you can tell me, that in the entire Empire of Nippon, and for that matter in the entire Far East, there can be not more than four people who could possibly make use of this immense press which you are showing to me. Look me square in the face and tell me if you really mean to take us people of Nippon as such a hopeless race of idiots as to sink, let us say, one million dollars of capital in the purchase and establishment of the different machinery necessary for the manufacture of different pieces which enter into the making of this great press, that we might manufacture four presses of this type, which cer- THE FAR EAST 423 tainly cannot think of paying a shadow of a dividend, and would do very well to pay one-tenth of the wages of the men necessary to watch over the many pieces of machinery." All of which does not prevent our friend, I fancy, from repeating the same old story to everybody that comes along. Why? Why, it is simply a good story to tell. If he were to say that he sent over to Nippon a simple hoe, a bucket or a tin horn and say that the Nippon manu- facturers robbed the patents that is all very well and good. There is at least a touch of credibility in that tale. The complaints over the violation of trade-marks in the East is another text upon which many a sermon, humorous (unconsciously) and otherwise, is being told here every day. People will tell you that there is no such a thing as patent protection in Nippon. As a matter of fact, robbing patents is an enterprise of highly Christian parentage. Long before Nippon ever dreamed of basking in the sunlight of modern inventions, in so sober and res- pectable a city as that of Boston, so have I been told, as well as in New York, and even in Philadelphia, not exactly famous for its wide-awake ag- gressiveness, the commendable work of utilizing European patents which were not protected in the United States, either by reason of limitation of time, I mean by that because of the failure of European investors to take out American patents on their inventions in the specified period of time, or because of the non- enforcement of patent-rights which were taken out in this country, was going on. Next time you hear a complaint against the violation of patents on the part of Nippon people, ask the manufacturer the question, "Did you take out patents in Japan for your invention?" I shall be very much surprised if he says yes. And if he says 'yes, ask him what practical measures of protection he has taken. It is one of the choicest delights of my life to put this question to the manufacturers who complain, and here is the almost universal, almost mon- otonous, unbroken answer that I receive in response: "Oh, — what the thunder can we do at the end of ten thousand miles?" And the happy race of the violators of patents in Nippon have the most beautiful chance of giving a Ha! Ha! to these good manufacturers in America; but, of course, they are entirely too polite to do anything like that. American manufacturers have to thank their own neglectful selves for such violation of patents as are prospering in Nippon and elsewhere. Darkness is always at the very foot of the candle. It is the mission of the missionary in a heathen land to denounce in the severest terms, the sins of the heathendom, and in this divine work many of them forget that if the good Lord were to rip open the two cities to the core, New York and Tokio, that the heathen city of Tokio would shine in snowy splendor of virtue in comparison with what is being done in the metropolis of the great Christian nation, especially in patent violation. 424 THE FAR EAST Still another phase: — "I hear" said a friend of mine, one day in the City of New York, "that you people in Japan are so clever that you cannot trust yourselves. I hear that you employ the Chinese altogether in your banks." That made me laugh. "Well now" said he, "I have a friend of mine right here in this city who was in your country a year ago. He told me not more than two weeks ago that in every hank that he visited in Japan he saw Chinese employed." "Let us" I said, in answer, "invite that excellent friend of yours to lunch. I am curious to meet him. Moreover I would like to show him just one Nip- pon bank which does not employ a single Chinese. In Wall Street, as you may know, we have a branch office of the Yokohama Specie Bank. You ask your friend to go with us." And so we lunched. "Did you really see" said I, to the friend of my friend, "with your own eyes a single Chinaman in any Nippon Bank at home?" "Sure — in every one of them" said he. "Well" said I, "I will show you one in which you cannot see a single Chinaman." We went to Wall Street. With a sweeping gesture I took in the whole office, and with considerable pride and home-made mirth I treated myself to the flippant expression — "You see there is an American but you cannot see a single Chinaman here, and this is one of the branch offices of our Bank." What do you suppose he said to me? With a grin which was very much more satisfactory than my smile, he turned round to me and said "You can't fool me." "I am not trying to fool you" said I, "look for yourself. Can you see a single Chinaman?" "Why sure," said he, and indicating one or two Nippon boys sitting in a corner of the office he said "they are Chinamen with their queues cut off." Let an Anglo-Saxon get an idea into his head, especially when he gets it second-hand and third-hand, from some of his friends, long before he himself has an opportunity of investigating the matter, and especially if such an idea is confirmed by a few strange voyagers here and there as he wan- ders over different parts of the country, the good Lord may be able to take it out of his head perhaps, — I for one, doubt it. Now the story of seeing Chinese employees in Nippon banks is, like all the rest of them, a good story, and a good story has, unfortunately, more wings than Mercury. Moreover, the story of the Chinese in Nippon banks, like the sad stories told of the low standard of commercial morality in Japan, has a foundation. In the early days foreign dealings at the treaty ports, when travelers from abroad wished to exchange the American or European currency or coins for Nippon money, there were no banking institutions of our own country to which such travelers could go for the accommodation. There were a number of Chinese money changers, at the offices of such British banks as the Hong Kong THEFAREAST 425 Shanghai Bank and it was to them that the travelers went to exchange their money. In such places, in a number of cases, there Were many Nippon em- ployees and unquestionably the traveler who saw the Chinese handle money thought that they were dealing with Nippon banks which employed Chinese. Later, when Nippon had to a certain degree perfected her banking system, and entered the field of handling exchanges from abroad, in a large number of cases the Nippon banks retained the Chinese employees for one good reason : — some of the Chinese in banking business have developed a marvelous tactical sense of detecting real silver from false coin. The writer himself has seen many a Chinaman who could tell the true from the false by simply letting hundreds of silver coins stream past his finger tips. Now in those days Nippon banks handled an enormous quantity of silver coin. There were a large num- ber of Mexican dollars, as well as native coins, and I regret to say that some of the Mexican dollars were not true, and in the capacity of testing rapidly the true from the false a number of Chinese were employed by the Nippon banks. , There is not one Nippon bank to-day in the entire Empire which employs the Chinese in a responsible position of trust, and all the Americans can see this fact with their own eyes — save those who belong to the admirable cult of which our New York friend was a type. And then too, there is another reason which may perhaps explain this matter in a very much ampler and vital way — the sad repute of the Nippon merchant. In the days of elder Nippon, when the Samurai was in flower, the people of Nippon used to look down upon him who handled the money. "Money and brain do not keep good company" the writer used to hear many a time. The children of the Samurai class were expected to compose quatrains in classic Chinese of the days of Confucius at the age of eight, but they were brought up in utter and absolute ignorance of even a single piece of money until about fifteen years of age. In the social scale of the elder Nippon we classed the merchant at the bottom of the ladder, just above the outcast; The ideal of Nippon was the combination of the scholar and the soldier— the merchant had nothing whatever to do with it. Very naturally the men who composed the merchant class, men upon whom the entire nation was taught to look down under the amiable title of "the men of the market" could not very well have been the flower of the race. Now in the earlier days of the new order of things, in the enlightened reign of Meiji, one of the most difficult problems our country had to solve was to place her commercial activities into the hands of right people. The wooden junk with a crested sail and a few spears aboard differs somewhat from the 20,000-ton battle-ship, the Saisuma, which commands ten 1 2-inch guns on either broadside. The difference is not a whit greater, however, than the difference between the Nippon merchant of 1860 and the Nippon merchant of the year of Grace 1 908. To-day a vase majority of greater mercantile en- 426 THE FAR EAST terprises are in the bands of the children of the Samurai class. Moreover the children of the old merchant class have breathed in a new atmosphere. They have seen the break of a new dawn. Many a western critic still insists upon judging the Nippon merchant of to-day by the standard of fifty years ago. That is wrong. The order of the thing is not that the Nippon merchant should change so much as that the western critic should lay aside its antiquated standard of judgment. / THE FAR EAST 427 HAS JAPAN THE BETTER NAVY? BY DAVID LAMBUTH. "Will we fight Japan?" Everyone is asking that question and answering it to suit his own theories — or ignorance. But there are very few who ask, "If we should fight, what would happen?" To those who understand the relations between the two countries such a war seems preposterous enough. Yet there are agitators with the spirit of the mob on both sides of the Pacific, and it is on record that the mob spirit has more than once achieved the impossible. War — if it should be war indeed — must of necessity be largely naval. The Philippines, and not our own far off coast would be Japan's objective. And for this reason it is thoroughly pertinent to compare American naval efficiency with that of the Sunrise Kingdom. Mere Anglo-Saxon confidence will not win the struggle. It is distinctly more humorous than logical to admit the criticisms recently made of our navy and then conclude, "Nevertheless, I believe we can whip any other nation on the sea." The thoughtful man asks, "Why?" THE VALUE OF BATTLE EXPERIENCE. Designing battleships is a ticklish business at best. Only real war can possibly test theories, but real war is an expensive, and sometimes too con- clusive, experiment. The case of fact against theory is pleasantly illustrated by a German fleet manoeuvre a few years ago. One fleet steaming in line ahead formation cut the line of the opposing fleet which was drawn up across its bows, at right angles to its course. "It was held," these are the words of the commentator, that fleet No. 1 had fatally damaged the two ships of fleet No. 2, between which it had passed. Not many months later at the Battle of Tsushima, the Japanese fleet successively shot to pieces, in a period measur- ed only in minutes, the three Russian ships which attempted to lead just such a formation toward the enemy's line, and this at a range of from four to seven miles. With mechanical appliances it is much the same as with tactics. Year after year the design, the armor, and the armament of battleships change, while the actual value of the innovation is largely guesswork. Here is the first great advantage of Japan. Not to mention the war with China in 1 894-5, Japan has but recently emerged from more than a year's conflict with a valiant foe. She knows what war with modern weapons is. like, but she is not gratuitously telling the world what she has learned. "The experience of the war," writes a Japanese officer, "gives us very interesting lessons in war-ship design, but most of the information is still kept secret, as our intention is to build warships in our own country ;" — an intention which is being energetically pur- sued. Victories such as those over the Spanish fleet are more productive of over- confidence than anything else. Had Japan profited as little from her war with China as the United States did from hers with Spain, the Russian fleet would not now so generously strew the weed-grown bottom of the Straits of Tsushima. 428 THEFAREAST Captain Semenoff in his dramatic narrative of that battle tells us that the ill-fated Russian flagship Suveroff had guns and turrets rendered useless through the destruction of the electrical apparatus that manoeuvred them. In every American battleship built since 1 896 the turrets and ammunition hoists have been managed by electricity alone. Japan is not taking any such chances. Some of the boats captured from Russia employ only electricity, but her own Shikashima and Asahi have steam and hand for the turrets, steam, electric, and hand for the hoists ; the Mikasa steam, hydraulic, and hand for the turrets, steam, electric, and hand for the hoists; the Kashima and Katori electric, hydraulic, and hand for the turrets, electric and semi-automatic for the hoists ; and the Satsuma and Aki electric and hydraulic for the turrets — information as to their hoists or the turrets and hoists of the latest boats is not yet obtainable. Much has been made by recent criticisms of the low armor belt of the American ships, a fault to which the late war gave point. This war also show- ed the vital need of protected bows, but whereas the Japanese have increased the armor on their bows from 4 inches to 6 and 6^2 inches, the American navy has actually decreased it from 4 inches to 1 '/2 inch on the two new ships of the South Carolina class, which are to be launched in 1 909. japan's greater speed and heavier armaments. It was Admiral Togo's extra knot or so of speed which enabled him so brilliantly to out-manoeuvre the Russians at Tsushima, circling round and round them as a hawk around its prey. Modern battles are fought by fleets as units, not by individual vessels, and it is necessarily the slowest vessel of the fleet that sets the pace for all. Though the tonnage of the ships of the two fleets is approximately the same, all the Japanese battleships built since 1 896 have 18 knots or more of speed an hour, while the American fleet out of twenty-two ships built in the same period have six of 1 6 knots, two of 1 7 knots, and the other fourteen of 1 8 knots or over. "But," says one apologist, "the American navy has sacrificed something of both speed and armor in order to carry, on ships of the same tonnage, more and heavier guns than other nations" This, it is claimed, is an immemorial policy. But what are the facts? To take representative ships, the Mikasa, designed in '99, carries four 1 2" guns and four 1 0", while the Maine of the same year carries only four 12". The Satsuma class, designed '05, has four 12" and twelve 10" guns; the South Carolina, also of '05, has but eight 12". As a 10" gun will pierce about 7.5 inches of steel at six miles with a projectile which weighs 500 pounds, while a 12" gun will only pierce 8.4 inches with its shell of 850 pounds, which moreover cannot be fired so rapidly, it is evident that the armament of the Satsuma is at least 70 % heavier than that of the South Carolina. The two latest ships of the Japanese navy, designed in '06, and to be completed this year and the next, carry twelve 1 2" guns as against ten 12" guns of the Delaware class, designed a year later and to be THE FAR EAST 429 completed in 1910. In the armored cruisers the state of affairs is much worse. So vanishes the boast of our heavier armament! During the attack upon Zu-san-li-tai, near Port Arthur, a Japanese Aid discovered a battery apparently annihilated. He started back to get more gunners, but out of the trench a man called to him. "My comrades are all gone," he said, "I cannot live if I don't avenge them. But my eyes are all swollen up and I cannot take aim. Do aid me for mercy's sake to set the gun aright." It is upon her heavy guns and such men behind them that Japan relies, rather than upon defensive armor. Moreover in emphasizing speed and multiplying armored cruisers in place of battleships, she has carried out consistently her policy of providing for swift and powerful attacks rather than great resistance. She has beaten the United States at her own game. She understands that the object of war is to "annihilate the enemy in the shortest possible time." By the time the fleet of American battleships reaches the East, Japan will have eleven first class battleships of 1 8 knots or over and one of 1 7 knots. But though she possesses fewer battleships, she has a magnificent armored cruiser fleet of thirteen vessels — such vessels as Admiral Kamimura led in line of battle at Tsushima — faster and fully twice as heavily armed as the thirteen cruisers of the same class belonging to the United States. Thus Japan could put in line of battle twenty four efficient fighting ships of 18 knots and over and one of 17 knots, with a total of 56 12" guns, 34 10" guns, and 48 8", besides fifteen other modern cruisers of varying efficiency and a much more formidable torpedo flotilla than our own. NOT SHIPS BUT TRAINED MEN. But statistics after all mean little. They do not man batteries nor man- oeuvre fleets. They failed to save Russia in her day of peril. America puts her trust in her personnel — but so does Japan! As a nation we have un- bounded confidence in the ability of our seamen to rise to an emergency. Is the confidence well founded? Efficiency is not a sort of racial inspiration. It comes from training. Con- stant practice and long service must make the best navy. The battleships of Nippon are manned by eager soldiers whose patriotic enthusiasm fills the army and navy with the bravest and ablest of the race. These men are not merely serving short term enlistments, but are war-trained veterans who have learned to handle their ships through years of experience. The storm of shell poured upon the ill-starred Russian boats at Tsushima, averaging about 40% of hits at a distance of from four to seven miles, is proof enough of scientific accuracy and splendid coolness. A newspaper correspondent remarks upon the fact that scarcely a blue-jacket during the battle had recourse to the buckets of drinking water placed within easy reach. They seemed to be as composed as if at target practice. Yet battle and target practice are two very different things. 430 THE FAR EAST In the matter of accuracy of fire the American fleet did not do nearly so well at half the distance at Santiago, in spite of notable records of marksmanship in time of peace. Of the American navy Lieutenant Fullinwider, U. S. N., writes: "It is difficult to enlist desirable men in sufficient numbers to man the fleet; a large percentage desert (12%, in fact); a small proportion of those who serve a full term re-enlist; and we have no adequate facilities for training recruits." A newspaper correspondent says of the battleship Louisiana, now on its way to the East, "Most of the crew have come almost green to the vessel." There is a net loss to our navy of about 25% of trained men every year. In the official year 1 905-6, statistics from nine battleships — all that were procurable — show that 47% of the 12 and 13 inch gun pointers did not re-enlist; of the 8" guns 50% were lost; of 4", 5", and 6" guns 41 %. About 45 per cent green men! Yet on the training, accuracy, and nerve of these men particularly must the fate of battle depend. Accuracy in gun fire is not a matter of in- stinct. It is a surprising fact that the American navy has never practiced battle manoeuvres with two opposing fleets. The handling of a large fleet and the rapidity of movement necessary to meet unexpected moves by an able opponent are vitally different from pre-ordained evolutions however intricate. Failure to train the fleet to the conditions of actual warfare is not the road to efficiency. It is unnecessary to do more than refer to the serious discrepancy in the matter of both age and experience in their respective ranks between the admirals and captains of Japan and America. "A comparison of the sea experience of our men," says Lieutenant Commander Key, "would be much more to their dis- advantage." In length of service, in training, in practice manoeuvres, and in battle experience, it is not the navy of young Japan but that of America that is the amateur. THE SPIRIT OF BUSHIDO. It is always easy to win an argument by mere shouting, but battles do not yield to the same treatment. China used to provide her soldiers with long feather dusters — rooster feathers probably — and train them in the face of the enemy to spring forward with a blood-curdling yell, viciously shaking their dusters. But even China has given this up. It is as easy as it is fallacious in the present case to fall back upon the 'great American spirit.' It may be possible that Japan has a spirit too. What is this American spirit of which our patriots boast even in the absence of adequate training? It is certainly not the military character of the nation. Japan is as essentially a military as she is an artistic nation. Until the new era, beginning in 1868, the country was the scene of the most incessant and bitter struggles. The flash of the sword and the ring of steel on steel was the glory of life. The Samurai, with the ideals of Bushido in his heart, carried two swords, a long one for his enemy, a short one for himself in case of defeat. THE FAR EAST 431 And this sword was no mere instrument, but an integral portion of the soul of the wearer; dishonor destroyed both alike. The soul and the sword of the Samurai were one, and life or death was the same if in the line of duty and honor. Nowhere have glory and utter self-sacrifice in war been raised higher than in the Samurai's conception of Bushido. The native religion, Shinto, is not strictly a religion. It is rather a ceremonious expression of the nation's fundamental demand for courage, courtesy, filial piety, and absolute readiness to sacrifice oneself without counting the cost, an ideal that has permeated the emotional life of the race. Of the soldier of Nippon, a Japanese apologist says: "If he sometimes offers his blood too freely, it is through an exuberance of patriotic love; for love like death recognizes no limits." And another writes: "To rush into the thick of battle and to be slain in it is easy enough, and the merest churl is equal to that task; but it is true courage to live when it is right to live, and to die only when it is right to die." That is the Samurai spirit, and by her public schools and the enlistment of all ranks into the army, by her literature, her drama and her art, the nation has gone far toward makbg these ideals the animating spirit of the whole people. A Russian officer tells a strange story. Retreating past a number of Japanese dead and wounded he saw one apparent- ly writing a letter. He went nearer and found him sitting in a pool of blood, suppressed agony in his face. "Across his knee face downward was a tattered map, and on this with a stick dipped in his own blood he was laboriously sketching a field gun on the top of a hill with a little Japanese infantryman running straight at the muzzle." From his first school day the boy is trained in war, drilled and marched. His earliest readers, which the Government carefully edits, contain stories of boys who are accepted as recruits into the army. The family rejoices and his friends crowd round to congratulate him upon being permitted to be a soldier of the Emperor. Meanwhile the rejected applicant goes home in chagrin and tears. Not the successful business-man, lawyer or politician, but the soldier who died on the field is held up for the child's admiration, and not merely the soldier who was brave, but the soldier who died, that is a part of the idea. The Japanese War Album, in commenting upon the picture of a mother and her fatherless children, says, "The death of any of their kin is regarded as the highest honor worthy of being transmitted to posterity." Pa- triotism and self-sacrifice, remorseless and unhesitating, is the key-note of Japan's educational system. Captain Dillingham, U. S. N. says of the American recruit: "He comes with the influence of our democratic institutions shown in his character, with very little idea of the military requirements of the business he is undertaking. Our country is not a military country, and not the least of the difficulties is found in trying to instill into the enlisted man the military character of his calling." Brave and efficient our recruit may be, but can he be compared, to 432 THEFAREAST his own advantage, with those who man the ships of Dai Nippon, animated with the most enthusiastic patriotism, making their country's honor their own, saturated with the idea that death for the Mikado is the greatest glory to which a loyal subject can aspire? DEATH OR VICTORY THE IDEAL OF NIPPON. It is useless to deny facts. The soldier of Nippon is unreasoning in his bravery. The Anglo-Saxon fights bravely while he sees any hope of success, but there is a point at which he balks. He has the bad habit of thinking for himself. He refuses to be merely butchered. Incredible as it may seem, the soldier of the Mikado starts to the front with the prayer that he may honor his family and himself by dying. To be alive where others have bravely died appears to him a stigma of disgrace; it argues a less daring spirit. "If people do not like being killed," naively remarked a Japanese officer, "why do they fight?" In conversation with General Stoessel after the fall of Port Arthur, General Nogi expressed his sense of gratitude that his two sons had been per- mitted to die for their country. "This" says a Japanese paper, "greatly moved the Russian Commander and made him feel more than ever that in this spirit alone lay the true strength of the Japanese army." To the American soldier death is an accident of war, to the Japanese it is but an incident. The spirits of the past go with him, living or dead he is swept on into the victory of his race. Lafcardio Hearn quotes an old Japanese: "Perhaps by Western people it is thought that the dead never re- turn. There are no Japanese dead who do not return. From China and from Chosen, and out of the bitter sea, all our dead have come back — all. They are with us now. In every dusk they gather to hear the bugles that call them home. And they will hear them also in that day when the armies of the Son of Heaven shall be summoned against Russia." They did hear them in that day, as the world knows, and when again her armies are summoned to war it will not be battalions of flesh and blood alone that go forth under the banner of the Son of Heaven, the living symbol, in the words of the Constitution, of "a line of Emperors unbroken from ages eternal." With such a creed bravery becomes sheer fanaticism. It is beyond the conception of 'civilized' man. There was wisdom in the words of a soldier of Nippon who said he did not fear the Germans because "they were civilized enough to know when they were licked." In the attempts to close the harbor of Port Arthur in 1904, merchant vessels were scuttled and sunk in the channel. It was no infrequent thing for little bands of Japanese, unable to return to their comrades and scorning sur- render, to fling themselves with senseless bravado upon some Russian fort or vessel. It was but three Japanese one night that clambered over the sides of the Retvizan, a battleship of 1 2,000 tons, and attempted to take her by storm. Two guns in the fortifications before Port Arthur, swept a siege trench and annihilated those who assaulted. Suddenly into this pit of death sprang THE FAR EAST 433 two soldiers with bags of sand upon their heads. They climbed the opposite bank. They made straight for the casemates. They crammed their bags of sand into the cannon's mouths. One instant their comrades saw them; the next and there was only nothingness where they had stood, but in that moment of delay the men of Nippon had crossed the trench. At the battle of Liao Yang five thousand men had been hurled upon a single stubborn link in the Russian line. They disappeared like mist. The General in command notified Oyama and asked for orders. The answer came back: "Send another five." He sent another five and they too melted like the first. His command had been originally but twenty thousand and he sent to Oyama again, and again the answer came: "The guns must be fed; send another five." 'Death or Victory' may be a melodramatic phrase, but it wins battles. This was the spirit of the troops in the transport ships overtaken by Russian cruisers. The boats were utterly unarmored. There were no weapons save the rifles. When the enemy demanded surrender Commander Shiina draw up his men. "My brave soldiers, our ship is now irrevocably doomed. For us there remains nothing but to fight and die on board and to face death. It is then that we shall show them what manner of men we Japanese soldiers are." They burnt their regimental colors and chanted the national air, and then the Russians opened fire. They sank still firing with their ineffective rifles upon the armored vessels of the enemy. THE RELIGION OF NO SURRENDER. Every Japanese is taught to "conquer or die." To a race moulded for many centuries by Christian ethics useless resistance is a waste of human life. The individual in himself has a value which must be set over against the cost of success. If his cause is lost, he may survive it. Surrender has always been an admitted last resort. The bravest soldiers of our Civil War acknowledged it. But that is not the religion of Nippon. "Our soldiers have learned to march," says a native commentator," but they are ignorant of the art of re- treating." When Admiral Nebogotoff, on the morning after Tsushima, surrendered the remnant of his fleet, the civilized world acquitted him because he was no longer able to injure the enemy. Admiral Hopkins of the British navy com- mends his decision not uselessly to sacrifice his men. "Ought I to have blown up my ships in the open sea," queries Nebogotoff, "and turned two thousand sailors into bloody pieces? In the name of what?" But is it possible to imagine that an Admiral of Nippon would ever surrender? That a ship of Nippon would ever strike her flag? Attempting to palliate the act of the Russian Admiral a Japanese admits: "Of course folks looking with every- day eyes condemn this surrender as cowardly and disloyal." Such manner of men are the every-da'y people of Nippon! 434 THE FAR EAST The religion of 'No surrender' may look like fanaticism — and so it is — but is there no militant immortality in such spectacular heroism? Nothing counted more for the victory of Japan than the old Bushido ideal set before every man — the ideal of Victory or Death. Did not the thousand helpless troops who went down into the sea with Commander Shiina contribute as much to their comrades' irresistable bravery as fifty thousand dying in the course of battle? In the creed of the Samurai the civilized conception of horror at useless bloodshed finds no place. Against fanaticism such as this, embodied in trained armies and formidable fleets, what is it that will stand? In the end war is not profitable. It is not a thing to be desired. The cause of peace is the cause of civilization. Yet to speak brutally, our senti- ments, although they do us credit, cut the nerves of war — as they are intended to do A recent peace publication, after pointing out that the United States, through humanitarian motives, has abolished the giving of prizes to naval men for success in battle, offers a word of exhortation. "Never let children sing without protest such words as 'The Army and Navy forever,' or 'Then conquer we must for our cause it is just.' Never allow toy guns or soldiers or playing at killing." Edwin Emerson gives the reverse of the picture, from the Sunrise King- dom. "I watched four little boys at play in a ship yard. The captain waved his little tin sword aloft. The bugler blew a blast on his little trumpet. Cap- tain, color-bearer and infantry charged madly forward with shrill screams. Now the bugler flung himself into the headlong assault. They scaled the crest of a pile of bricks and proudly planted the Sun flag on the top of it. All the children's play harked back to the war. The very air seemed to tingle with it. All the boys were playing soldiers, shooting off imaginary guns and charging invisible foes to the blare of tin trumpets and shrill shouts of 'Bansai.' " Ethically, and in the interests of peace, this is very horrible, but practically, so long as a nation contemplates war, it is very wise. Soldiers with the pitiless bravery of the Japanese are not made out of hand from a nation that has come to abhor the sight of blood. The American sailor, though hampered by lack of experience as compared with the Japanese, is capable of great efficiency and splendid heroism, but the war-like spirit fostered by centuries of savage feuds is not one that either bravery or training can counterbalance. Bushido is bloodthirsty and cruel as well as heroic and self-sacrificing. A nation which even to-day, despite legal prohibition, looks upon Hara kiri with complacency, runs upon death in a fashion which the Anglo-Saxon can not really comprehend. When to such a spirit is added the most careful training and the deadliest weapons, what are the reasonable chances of prevailing against it? The cause of peace is the cause of civilization. Surely nothing promotes peace more than refraining from idle boasts. Before we speak or act too arrogantly toward our neighbors it may be just as well to count the cost. ;:: \<: THE FAR EAST 435 THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING. BY ASADA MASUO. THE TRADE OF TAIREN (THE DALNY OF THE RUSSIANS) FOR THE LATTER HALF OF 1907. ^The total amount of the import trade of Tairen in the latter half of 1907, amounted to 49,639,644 yen. The export trade for the same period amounted to 9,106,816 pen. The chief items of export were beans and bean cakes and fertilizers. Bean export reached in value to the amount of 2,822,105, while the bean cakes and pulverized beans amounted to 4,953,926 pen in value. The chief items of import through the port of Tairen were different kinds of machinery, metals, building materials, grain, seeds and food stuff. Tairen imported, in the latter half of 1907, different kinds of machinery amounting in value to 37,632,095. It imported building materials valued at 3,707,351. The importation of metals of different kinds amounted to 1,721,174 yen in value. Grain and seeds amounted close to 1 ,000,000 yen, and so did the food stuff. TELEPHONES IN FUCHAO. CflUnder the encouragement of the Financial Department of the Fukian Province, was organized the Fuchao Telephone Company, Limited. The Company had undertaken to install a telephone system in Fuchao, the work was completed early this year. The telephone system connects the foreign settlement of Fuchao with the native walled city, which is about three or four miles from the concession. They have very few subscribers at the present time, not more than a few hundred, and even among these about 50 per cent are utilized by public schools, residences of officials, public offices, meeting halls, banks, both native and foreign merchants. The greater part of the Chinese merchants do not seem to take zealously to the use of telephones. Ignorance is at the bottom of it, perhaps. At the same time, now that they see in front of their eyes the practical utility of the telephone system, it will not be long before they would realize the marvelous convenience which the system affords in the daily conduct of business. ^The Telephone Company has a capitalization of $30,000 Mexican, one-third of which was taken by the Finance Office of the Province, and the two-thirds of the stock by Chinese merchants. THE TRANS-PACIFIC SERVICE. a-maru, the Iyo-maru, the Kaga-maru. The dock at Akunoura is the oldest of the Mitsubishi docks. The capacity and scope of this dock, however, is much smaller than those of the Tategami. This dry dock has a very convenient capacity to construct and repair such steamers as are usually used on the China and Korean service by the different steamship companies of Nippon. The machine-shop at this dock is exceptionally complete, and in perfect working order. It covers a space of 200 by 1 06 feet. It is fitted with hydraulic lifts, and in the center of it, it has two electric cranes, with the capacity of 20 and 1 5 tons respect- ively. On the second story they have two electric cranes, also capable of lifting a weight of five tons each. It has the facility of casting articles upward to 50,000 tons in weight. This machine-shop has in connection with it a blacksmith shop, which covers a space of 370 feet by 60, fitted with nine steam hammers of seven tons and less. To the casual eye looking upon these workshops at Akunoura, the series of workshops stretching for 1,250 ken (7,500 feet of water front) have 450 THE FAR EAST an imposing effect. It appears much bigger than the other docks of the Mitsubishi Company. In 1884 — as we have said — the Nagasaki dockyard passed out of the governmental control. The Mitsubishi interests acquired it. Long before it had passed into the possession of the Mitsubishi people, however, ship- building activity of the world had passed out of the wooden-ship age ; in- deed, it had passed out of the iron age, as far as the material for ship- building was concerned. It had already entered into the steel construction period. Still, as late as 1 889, the record of the Mitsubishi Company in the construction of steel ships, was in its infancy. It was confined to the con- struction of three small boats for Osaka Shosen Kaisha of 600 tons or less. They were proud of this record, moreover, which comments eloquently on the limited scope they enjoyed at the time. But the inevitable tendency of the world's progress was pushing them ahead. In spite of themselves, in 1894, they undertook the construction of a steel ship of 1,600 tons called Suma-maru. It was followed by the construction of the Tategami-maru of 1,550 tons. From that time on, the activity of the Mitsubishi Company in the construction of a larger ship increased steadily, till they succeeded in building the Hitachi-maru of 6, 1 72 tons and her sister ships. Loss, mone- tary loss, they have had from time to time, but the amount they lost in money they gained in the skill of their workmen. The Mitsubishi Dockyard is under the management of Mr. Shoda Heigoro. The executive office of the Mitsubishi Company employs about one hundred men. They employ about one hundred and fifty men in the offices, among whom are nine foreign experts in an advisory capacity. They employ 5,000 workmen in their shops. Here, then, is the dockyard which, as late as in 1 889, had nothing more to be proud of than a boat of 700 tons. On the 1 4th of September, 1 907, was launched the first of the three sister ships which it is building for the Toyo Kisen Kaisha, and the story of this new ship reads as a fairy tale. It is called, this new ship, T enyo-maru ; 14,000 is its tonnage. From 1898 to 1907, the distance in time is not vast. From Kisogawa-maru of 700 tons to the Tenyo of 14,00 tons, it is indeed a far cry. But the difference in tonnage spells but a very small part of the wonder tale which is as true as the gospel, and much more historic than the story which stretches from a cradle in Corsica to another island off the African coast called St. Helena. This new ship is rated by the Lloyd as 100, Al. It has a length of 550 feet, breadth of 63 feet. It displaces 18,725 tons. It has 16,850 horse- power; speed, 19 knots. It accommodates 252 first-class passengers, 38 second-class, 826 third-class. I have tarried long over the story of the growth of the Mitsubishi Dockyard, and for this reason: in it the reader can read the growth of n IT ' iiii' ■ r~ ' — THE FAR EAST 451 the ship-building and dockyard enterprises of Nippon, as well as in many another. The story of the development and growth of the Imperial Iron Works has already been touched in two articles which appeared in the April issue of the Pacific Era. From a purely financial standpoint of view, the Imperial Iron Works has not been a success. With the launching, however, of the armoured cruiser Ibuki, it succeeded in translating the dreams of its founders into an historic and steel-built fact. And no longer shall Nippon be com- pelled to look over beyond the seas for the construction of a battleship of any size whatever. The growth of the ship-building industry in Nippon ought to be read with particular interest by the people of the United States. Of the many can- didates all over the world who are struggling for the mastery of the greatest body of water in the world, these two have the most intimate claim — the United States and Nippon. With other powers it is a mere bouquet to their am- bitions, their dreams. With America and with Nippon, it is a matter of necessity. It may take many years, but in the end the nation that controls the Pacific shall be the master of a new era. At home in Nippon we sit up nights, wondering what our American friends are doing in this direction. Quite the contrary is true of our American friends. The story, I fancy, of the mercantile marine of Nippon will perhaps be read by a large majority of Americans as a story of a summer weed, which never fails to take an easy-going farmer by surprise. If not in the fashion of the summer weed, then how was this growth in the ship-building industry of Nippon attained? It is simple, — largely through the government subsidy. The subsidy bill of 1896 gave 12.5 to 30 cents per ton for every 1,000 miles sailed in foreign commerce, — (and mark you this) — by ships owned exclusively by the people of Nippon. It, moreover, granted a 'bounty of $6 to $ 1 2 per ton, and also $5 per indicated horsepower to all the steamers of certain type and speed, constructed in Nippon. The best friend of America, and her attitude toward the shipping and ship-building industry of her home, is compelled to say that the United States has done its best in handicapping the American shipping and ship-building interests in its struggle against foreign competition. The worst enemy of the Nippon government, especially in its attitude toward the shipping and ship- building interests of Nippon, can never say so unkind a thing as the kindest word which the best friend of America can say of her shipping and ship- building enterprises. I attended the closing session of the Fifty-ninth Congress. There much was said on the ship-subsidy question. "It is all very well and heroic, of course, to talk like a prophet in the face of a storm. But then, you must remember that there are many news- 452 THE FAR EAST papers, and our clientele at home read newspapers, yellow and otherwise, and it would never do for them to get an idea that they have sent men to Washington for nothing better than to throw people's money into the pockets of Harriman and Hill," — seemed to sum up the conviction of the majority of gentlemen of the forum. Perhaps it is for the best, certainly this singular blind- ness on the part of so intelligent and wide-awake a race as the American, is a great and unexpected favor for the people of Nippon. To the Americans the warning in the closing paragraphs of the article must sound strange, — doubly so because they are fond of entertaining the fiction that the Nippon people are peculiar. They may rip themselves open with the merriest grace in the world in their proud rite of harakiri, but to give the rival of Nippon a ghost of a hint of the danger that is threatening the rival is the last, the most impossible thing for him ever to conceive. Ah, well, both of us have to leam as we grow and come closer together, — and then, it is written in the code of the samurai, — "Kick the pillow from under the head of thy sleeping foe, for thou shalt never strike at thine enemy asleep." THE FAR EAST 453 ON THE BUDGET FOR THE FISCAL YEAR 1908. BY BARON MATSUDA. Being the Speech of the New Financial Minister before the Chamber of Deputies of the Imperial Diet, on the 23rd of January 1908. I have the honor of presenting to you, gentlemen, the budget for the fiscal year, 1 908. The total revenue for the year is estimated at 6 1 6, 1 90,- 987 yen, of which 475,737,999 yen are from the ordinary, and from the extraordinary revenue, we are to realize the amount of 140,452,988 yen. The total amount of expenditure for the fiscal year is estimated at 6 1 6, 1 90,- 987 yen, of which the ordinary expenditure amounts to 427,147,840 yen, and the extraordinary expenditure 189,403,147 yen. Therefore, the revenue and expenditure are balanced, and the ordinary revenue is in excess of the ordinary expenditure of the year by over 48,000,000 yen. Comparing these figures to the ordinary revenues and expenditures of last fiscal year, the result is highly satisfactory. In the revenue for the year we have counted some 5,000,000 yen, to be realized from the increased taxation on sake, sugar and kerosene oil. Outside of the revenues already taken into account, there is a surplus in the treasury to the amount of over 40,000,000 yen, which has already been apportioned for different ends. Of this amount, about 15,- 000,000 yen is to be applied to the additional expenditures that arose in the fiscal year 1907-'08, and the remainder of the sum, amounting to about 33,000,000 yen, is to be brought over to the fiscal year of 1908, and to be applied for such additional items of expenditure. When we compare the revenue for the fiscal year of 1 908, which amounts to 475,730,000 yen, to the amount mentioned in the budget for the pre- vious fiscal year, we see the increase of 5 1 ,450,000. This increase is largely to be accounted for by the general extension of economic activities, the increase of taxation, the income from the post and telegraphs, and the result of the railways which were bought from private hands, and increase of the profits thereon, and the revenues resulting from monopolies and forestry, and also from the increased taxation which is to be carried out in this fiscal year. When we compare the extraordinary revenue of State for this fiscal year, which amounts to 140,450,000 yen to the amount of the last year, there is a decrease of 51,710,000 yen, and the reason for this decrease is the de- crease in the surplus to be applied for extraordinary purposes. The ordinary expenditure for the fiscal year of 1908 amounts to 427,- 1 40,000 yen. Comparing it to the similar item in the budget of the previous year, we see the increase of about 14,700,000 yen. The chief reason of this increase is perhaps the chance brought about in making the expenditure for the maintenance of our army in Manchuria and Korea one of the items of ordinary expenditure, while it remained until last year as one of the items 454 THE FAR EAST of extraordinary expenditure. Moreover, owing to the increase of export business, the amount of repayment of the taxation increases. Also there is an increase in the interest to be paid on the debentures issued for the purpose of purchasing railways. Also, perhaps a certain amount of this increase may be accounted for by reason of the development of forestry, and a number of enterprises connected with it. When we compare the extraordinary expenditure stated in the budget for the fiscal year, which amounts to 189,400,000 yen to the amount speci- fied in the budget of the previous year, we see a decrease of about 1 4,980,- 000 yen. One of the reasons for the decrease is in connection with the Otaru Harbor Works. The loan to the Korean government, the increase in the capitalization for the establishment, expansion and operation of the mint, the establishment of prisons and schools, the subsidy for mercantile marine and ship building, the transfer of the capitalization of the Imperial railway, these items have indeed increased the amount on the one hand, but on the other the decrease caused by the shifting of the maintenance expenditure of our army in Manchuria and Korea from the extraordinary expenditure to the ordinary expenditure, and also the postponement of a number of enterprises which have already been decided upon and commenced, brought about the decrease as shown. The more important items in the budget for the year 1 908 may be summarized as follows : First; As the result of the new treaty agreement with Korea, a certain amount of fund is deemed necessary to supply the deficit in the Korean finance : for this purpose about 5,250,000 yen have been allowed in the budget. Owing to the continued disturbance in many circles of Korea, there is a necessity for putting in an additional item of expenditure for the maintenance of armed forces which i may be necessary to be despatched to the scenes of disturbance for the maintenance of peace and order. Second; The annual expenditure of about 2,000,000 yen is an item of extraordinary expenditure to be applied to the improvement of harbors, con- struction of railways, and improvement of water transportation in Formosa. But the raising of this fund, and the payment of both capital and interest of this annual expenditure of 2,000,000 yen, is to be borne by the Formosan treasury. Of course, beside these mentioned, there are a number of items of ex- penditure, the railway construction, harbor works in Hokkaido, and other new enterprises in different provinces, but these are not important enough to be individually specified. The above is an explanation in outline of the budget for the fiscal year of 1908. I wish to advance a step, and state the cardinal outline of the financial problems for the same fiscal year, and add a few words on the policy of the Imperial Government. THE FAR EAST 455 Now that we have seen already over two years since the restoration of peace, and now that also the various affairs and activities of the nation have gradually returned to its peaceful condition, the work of solidifying the foun- dation of finance, in maintaining a happy balance between the revenue and expenditure of State, is one of the most important and pressing duties of the day. In framing the budget for the fiscal year 1 908, we have placed the great- est emphasis on the following point. On the one hand, we have endeavored to inaugurate plans for the increase of revenues, and at the same time, and on the other hand, we have endeavord to practice about the most rigorous economy in cutting down the expenditure in everything save in those enter- prises and work which were imperative, and we have succeeded in modifying the amount of the annual installment of expenditure which had once been decided upon. According to the plans for the increase of our revenue, we have increased in the sake tax 3 yen per koku (1 koku is about 40 gallons), and the taxa- tion on sugar was increased by 1 yen to 2 yen and 50 sen per 100 pounds. Also on kerosene oil, we have placed 1 yen per koku taxation. We are to raise the price of tobacco by about 30 per cent. From this additional taxation, after subtracting the expenditure connected with its collection, we expect to realize about 5,000,000 yen, and the profit on tobacco is expected to amount to about 6,000,000 yen, about 1 1 ,000,- 000 yen in all. As for the increase of the price of tobacco, it has already been put into practice. If I may be permitted to add a remark on the modification of the annual installment of the expenditure already decided upon, I take pleasure in saying that we have adopted the policy of decreasing this item of expenditure by postponing, for the year, all the enterprises which could possibly be post- poned, especially in connection with the national defence, both in the army and the navy. In short, the cardinal feature of the budget for the fiscal year 1908, is to solidify the foundation of finance by bringing about a stable balance be- tween the revenue and expenditure of State. Not only does this program give a sufficient ease and margin in the management of national funds and administration of national treasury, but this would also place the administra- tion in a position where it would not feel the imperative necessity of raising the loan of 500,000,000 yen, which was ordered in 1906 and has never been floated. The extraordinary military expenditure and extraordinary finance con- nected with the war of 1904 and 1905 were brought to the final conclusion in October, 1907. The entire revenue of this period amounted to 1,720,- 212,256 yen. The total expenditure amounted to 1,508,472,538 yen. A 456 THE FAR EAST showing the excess of revenue of 212,739,718 yen. The above amount has been incorporated into the revenue of the fiscal year, 1907. The portion of the extraordinary war expenditure which has not yet been paid, was carried over. It is to be defrayed by annual installments extending for many years to come; the total amount of such items is 137,243,733 yen. For the maintenance of the prisoners of war Russia owed us 49,950,440 yen, and the amount that we owed to Russia for the same item amounted to 1,642,955 yen, making the balance due us 47,452,485 yen. The same amount was received in October, 1907, at London, and was counted among the revenues of the fiscal year 1907. In the year 1907, owing to the injuries by flood in different sections of the country, an expenditure arising from a number of other items not covered in the budget, were many. Such items of expenditure were expected to be covered by the amount brought over from the fiscal year 1906. The 6 per cent war loan, which was for a short period, and which amounted to 22,- 000,000 pounds, was replaced in March, 1907, both in London and Paris, by 5 per cent government bonds, amounting to 23,000,000 pounds, and the exchange was successfully and completely concluded. As for the regulation of the extraordinary and special taxation system, the Imperial Government has drawn up its first draft, and in April, 1907, submitted it to a careful and minute scrutiny of the examination board on the regulation of taxation which it has created for this purpose. In July of the same year, the Board concluded its work, and the Imperial Government will present the result of the examination to the present session of the Diet. The foreign trade for the year 1907 was affected by the financial dis- turbances in New York, and the fall of silver. These brought about a stagnation in exports, and owing to this stagnation we have seen the excess of about 60,000,000 yen of imports over exports. But this excess is largely due to the importation of such raw materials as cotton and iron, and in some cases, of machinery. The total amount of the foreign trade, both imports and exports, amounted to about 926,000,000 yen. Compared to the pre- vious year, it showed the increase of about 84,000,000 yen. I believe what has been explained in the above makes clear the consoli- dation of the financial foundation of the future, and also contributes not a little to the progress and development of our industries. I desire that you, gentlemen, after thorough and serious investigation and discussion, would afford speedy support to these measures. Just Published In Korea with Marquis Ito BY George Trumbull Ladd, LL. D. Illustrated. $2.50 net. Post paid, $2.70 THE CONTENTS Rulers and People Resources and Finance Education and the Public Justice Foreigners and Foreign Relations Wrongs : Real and Fancied Missions and Missionaries July, 1907, and After The Solution of the Problem The Invitation First Glimpses of Korea Life in Seoul The Visit to Pyeng-Yang Chemulpo and other Places The Departure Personal Reminiscences and Impressions The Problem : Historical The Compact Undoubtedly the most important work on Korea and Japan, as far as their present relations are concerned, that has been brought out. Professor Ladd had, through his relations with Marquis lto, very exceptional facilities for personal observation in Korea, and unprecedented opportunities for obtaining inside information and accurate knowledge as to the past and present conduct of Japan and her present intentions. Much hitherto unpublished material was placed in his hands enabling him to estab- lish beyond reasonable doubt the truth about certain matters which he discusses in his book. The book is partly the account of personal experience described in a readable and interesting way, and in part a serious first hand discussion of a weighty political problem, and it is consequently of interest both to those who want merely a surface picture of conditions and to those who want to study the problem seriously. No one can, in the future, write history of these events or discuss them with author- ity, without making himself familiar with the views and conclusions of Prof, Ladd in this book. 'Written with great care. It is one of the most in- forming books on the East that has yet been published. -Philadelphia Inquirer. -Louisville Courier-Journal. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS f~W i ORKS of unquestioned authority on | the Far East are rare; rarer still V^^X are the authoritative works of un- doubted charm on the East; still rarer is an opportunity to get such works through so at- tractive an offer as this: XN KOREA, WITH MARQUIS ITO - By Prof. George Trumbull Ladd, . . $2.50(net) B WAKENING OF CHINA - By Prof W. A. P. Martin, Formerly President of the Peking University , . $3.80 (net) fi AR EAST, for one year UR SPECIAL OFFER FOR Tr O UR old subscribers can secure the books by sending us the difference ($5.50). Please mention our special offer. >okoro bam llakotono mictfini SCanai naha Jtoorazutote mo 8Cami ga kikuran a out Ijeart, if onlt} it bt in tune witlf Sfruttj, 9 3f ip> CM* mill tjeat, Juen ttjouglf gou bo not jjrag VOL. I. JULY, 1908 No. 10. THE FAR EAST Two Significant Facts in con- nection with the National Elect- ion in Nippon Shimada Schuro Arashiyama, the Famous Rapids of the Katsura River, which flows past the city of Kyoto Adachi Kinnosuke Autobiography of Prince Ito Hir- obumi Agriculture in Man- churia Hirata Nobuo The* New East in the.Making Asada Masuo W Hat G[aat Quhttatpttg (Jo. DETROIT, MICH., U. S. A. THIRTY CENTS THE COPY. THREE DOLLARS THE YEAR. The Far East Adachi Kinnosuke, Proprietor and Editor JULY, 1908 CONTENTS JADE SEALS AND DRAGON BOX IMPERIAL PALACE, MUKDEN FRONTISPIECE THE TWO SIGNIFICANT FACTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE NATIONAL ELECTION IN NIPPON SHIMADA SABURO ARASHIYAMA, THE FAMOUS RAPIDS OF THE KATSURA RIVER, WHICH FLOWS PAST THE CITY OF KYOTO ADACHI KINNOSUKE (Illustrated) AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUMl-V Being an account of his life told by himself to and recorded by OHASHI OTOWA AGRICULTURE IN MANCHURIA (Illustrated) MEN FROM NIPPON-The Misunderstood (Illustrated) THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING The Oriental Colonization Company The Growth of Nippon Yusen Kaisha Mr. Roosevelt and the Far East Improved Express Service on the Nippon- Korean Line Count Inoue and Count Matsukata The Arbitration Treaty between America and Nippon HIRATA NOBUO E. PERCY NOEL ASADA MASUO A JAPANESE GARDEN— A STORY ADACHI KINNOSUKE 489 THE TRUTH ABOUT PORT ARTHUR DAVID LAMBUTH 498 OF BOOKS ON THE FAR EAST "The Truth About Port Arthur," "Blue Waters and Green," (Illustrated) DAVID LAMBUTH ASANO KOJIRO Copyright, 1908, by The Far East Publishing Co., Entered as second-class matter July 9, 1908, at the post office at Detroit, Mich. Published Monthly by The Far East Publishing Co., The Addison, Detroit, Mich., U- S. A. u The Far East Vol. I July 1908. No. 10. THE TWO SIGNIFICANT FACTS IN CONNECTION WITH THE NATIONAL ELECTION IN NIPPON. BY SHIMADA SABURO. The leader of the opposition party in the Imperial Diet, House of Representatives. x*4^^^*' HE result of the general election of this year has one story to M £""*\ tell : — 'how the nation wishes to solve the one thing before it: — ^^ 1 the right solution of the constructive problems after the war. ^^^^r The attitude of the present cabinet and its friends is to maintain the dignity and prestige of the State, which have been raised and magnified greatly as a result of the victorious campaign, by extending our military power. They claim that it is inevitable, and since the extension of the army and navy is inevitable, the funds to maintain the military activity of our country must of necessity be raised, and therefore the increase of taxes is also inevitable. Those who are opposed to this view have this to say; that at the present time the attitude of the powers of the world toward the Far East is the most peaceful we have seen in the past twenty years. It gives all indications for the peace of the immediate future. This, then, is the one fine opportunity for us to recoup our national forces, make good the loss which we suffered in the late war, to re-arrange and adjust our domestic affairs, strengthen our finance, extend our economic activities, and thus lay the founda- tion of national power, and thereby permit the people at large to realize the fruit of peace. All these, they claim, are indeed the right way of laying a foundation of that strength upon which a nation can rely, in a time of storm which it may be called upon to face in the future. In short, the former, — the pro-governmental party, is the party for the increase of taxation. The other belongs to the party that is opposed to the increase of taxation, and the nation is called upon to express her wishes and choose between these two opposing views of the conduct of State affairs. At the general election which took place in the twenty-fifth year of Meiji (1892), we saw the country divided into two camps. The one interpreted the constitution in a narrow and restricted sense, and wished to perpetuate what might be called the official inertia, inherited from the clan government of the old regime. The other wished to interpret the constitu- tion in a broader sense, and essayed to foster the constitutional institution in a fitting manner. These two camps came into a violent collision, and we saw a battle royal fought between these two rival camps ; the one carried on 458 THE FAR EAST their propaganda and activities under the banner of the governmental party, and the other waged its war under the name of popular rights. It was an exceedingly vivid drama, their struggle for ascendency. It is a matter to be regretted that in the heat of their contest there were many incidents which some- what stained the history of constitutional government in Nippon. The general election of this year is vastly different in its outer forms, in its conditions, in its platforms; still, in its spirit, it is not far from the old contest we have recalled. It is simply a struggle between the official and the people once more. That the nation does not put its faith in the cabinet is just the same in this year as it was in 1902. Even from the business men who have usually kept silent, we are, this year, hearing a great deal. They are raising their voices in protest against the financial policy of the government. They have been driven to this by the extreme and cruel taxation system of the present administration, and in their last extremity, it seems that they have made up their minds to take an active part in opposing, once for all, the measures of the present government. These people are taking active interest in politics this year. Among the most significant movements of this type, we see that in every city the business circles are taking a decided stand, and carry- ing on an active campaign of a purely political nature. Beginning with the city of Tokyo, which is the center of the political activities of the nation, in almost every province and every city we are told that the business men are uniting themselves in their protest against the governmental measures in this line. Since these men are to exercise their elective powers, it would not be surprising at all if the men elected by these different votes should increase decidedly in number ; and the party opposed to the increase of taxation may likely find itself far superior in number to the Seiyu party and those who are friendly to the scheme of increased taxation. This exercise of elective powers on the part of the business circles, in opposition to the measures of the administration, would undoubtedly make one of the cardinal features of this year's general election. In this one respect it will differ materially from the general election of 1 892. In the general election of sixteen years ago, the business circles of the country looked upon the activities and measures of the popular party as extreme and violent. They did not like them, because they were partial to a more conservative method. This attitude on the part of the business men in 1892, brought about the victory for the pro-governmental party. This year, all is different. Not only are the merchants and manufacturers of the Empire hostile to the governmental measures, but they are found to-day at the very forefront of the fighting line, in their war against both the foreign and the domestic policies of the present administration. They are to be found in the very heart of the party that is opposed to the increase of taxation. It goes without saying that their union with the party of the people would add greatly to the efficiency of the anti-governmental party. THE FAR EAST 459 At the bottom of all this political movement, there is one simple fact, — that the present administration has erred in its policies ; it has failed to satisfy the nation. Its prestige has fallen to the dust, and the industrial and business circles, which once were wont to look upon the party of the people with disrespect, who once looked upon the opposition party as ultra-radical, have now changed their attitude completely. And this is sufficient to show that the principles advocated by the reformed party are now being generally accepted among the people as the right policies for the nation. I am one of those who believe that the opportunity for political reform is to be found in this year's election, and it should not be difficult for those who are gifted with the power of reading the signs of the times, to forecast the political changes that are in the near future. A representative institution is an institution based on the freedom of dis- cussion. It is so in name, it is so in fact. The very name "Parliament," Which England, the homeland of represetative government gave to its body of representatives, comes from the French word, parler, which means, to speak. It is a public body for public discussion. In Nippon we call it Gi-£n>ai, which is as if we had said that it is the gathering of men for discussion. We call a man belonging to the body, gi-in, men who discuss. We call the hall Gi-jo — a place for discussion. The true nature of this representative body is thus explicitly described in its very name. To make public the questions of government among die people at large, to make clear the principles involved in the discussion, to point out the reasons for contentions, to discuss and criticise from every point different measures, and by so doing throw light on mooted points in the measures brought before the people, and by making them clear to the understanding of the people, ask the people to pass their judgment upon such measures, — such indeed is the duty of a man who is candidate for the membership of this Imperial Diet. Once they are elected to the body and seated in the house, they are called upon to discuss and debate, not only once, but repeatedly, from every angle, the measures which will be proposed to them for discussion. — They enter the arena where words are the only weapons. That is, indeed, the very nature of the representative institution. In the general election of this year, therefore, it would be very natural that the anti-increase-taxation party should have taken its first stand against the pro-increase-taxation party by the aggressive war carried on through discussion. It is noticeable that the pro-governmental party, those who are in favor of the increase of taxation, have failed to meet their enemies openly, through discussion in public. In the very city of Tokyo itself, it is quite noticeable, while the men opposed to the increase of taxation were carrying on above board, through public discussion, their war against the increase of taxation, the party that favored the increase of taxation went about in the dark, avoided as much as they could the open war of discussion 460 THEFAREAST before the full light of publicity, and thereby adopted methods which might be called anti-constitutional. They have strained their efforts purely and simpl/ to the gathering of votes ; they have avoided the proper highway through which all the representative administrations should have traveled in receiving public condemnation or public approval, and they have given themselves to the secret measures which are usually the companions and incidents of a despotic state. This indeed, is one of many incidents, which, in itself not very important, still comments eloquently enough on the different natures of these two contending parties. We have noticed that only once did the Seiyu party call a public meet- ing, at the Hongo theatre. It was meant to be a public gathering, in which they were to answer some of the charges brought against the governmental measures for the increase of taxation. But even in this one solitary public gathering, they did not seem to have come out openly and advocated their policies with one united voice. This gathering was a distinct failure, as far as reaching the ears and eyes of the people at large. In this gathering they said nothing which appealed to the conscience of the people; what they said had no power to move the people. And we see even at present, the substantial result of their defeat in this matter. From the city of Tokyo we elect eleven representatives. Heretofore there were five men belonging to the Seiyu, and five to the Shimpoto, — the progressionists that is — and one to the Yuko, but as a result of this year's election, tlhe anti-increased-Jtaxation party has gained seven, and even two men who have been affiliated with the Seiyu party, Ema and Inashige, declared themselves publicly as opposed to the increased taxation, before they went before the people for re-election. In their case it is very apparent that they saw the uselessness of applying for re-election on any other ground than that opposed to the administration policy of increasing taxation. There were two men, Isobe and Takanashi, who have been considered for many years as the elder champions in the political world, whose elections were considered above all questionings. Still, they failed to be re-elected. Even such a man as Hatoyama, with all his prestige in the political circles, was compelled to fight so bitter a battle for his re-election as to become a subject of violent scandal, and is publicly reported to have spent the heaviest election expenditure in all the country, which shows how difficult and bitter the fight was. In contrast stands the record of Mr. Zohara, who is known as a man of no financial means, indeed who is said to be not over supplied with even absolutely necessary funds. He nevertheless succeeded in receiving the second place, far ahead of Hatoyama. Again, look at Takaki, who also is notoriously poor in this world's goods, and moreover 'has disadvantages of a physical nature, and who has fought single handed almost, against such a candidate as Mr. Okazaki who commands not only unlimited funds, but has had all the powerful influences of the Seiyu party, and finally defeated him. THE FAR EAST 461 In all this I am not trying to minimize die tremendous efforts put forth by these individual candidates who are successful. What I hold is that their attitude toward the increase of taxation, met with a ready approval from the people, and that had a great deal to do in carrying these candidates success- fully through their fight. In conclusion, after having reviewed not only the election results of the city of Tokyo alone, but the reports of a number of outside cities, I think that the wishes of the people are definitely on the side of the party opposing the increase of taxation. The people are decidedly against the present admin- istration, and the principles of the Seiyu party. ARASHIYAMA, THE FAMOUS RAPIDS OF THE KATSURA RIVER, WHICH FLOWS PAST THE CITY OF KYOTO. BY ADACHI KINNOSUKE. 'FLOAT upon the Pacific is a public park. Natives call it Nippon and the visitors call it Japan. In Nippon there is one place which sightseers never fail to visit — the rapids of the Hozu. The stream is crystal clear; it is mountain born. In the country of Tamba, down to the point where it reaches the historic castle town of Kameyama, which the modern geography knows under the revised name of Kameoka, it homes the noble race of fish called ayu; to translate it "trout" or "smelt" is to call poetry, prose. It's the fisherman's paradise, the Hozu in the country of Tamba, translated in the terms of flowing silver and silk. From Kameyama into the country of Yamashiro for twenty miles stretches the passional life of the river. For ages without number, from the primal days of fairy folks even unto the civilized years of ours, the numberless rocks of the Atago ranges have battled against the stream. And soft, ever yielding, and laughing its eternal laughs, the Hozu River has always been and is the conquerer. And to-day it charges into the thick phalanxes of rocks, cliffs, precipices, shaven bald most of them, and others thickly armored with mosses, with its merry old time laugh. No mortal, spite of the scientific lunacy that is abroad throughout the land, has ever counted the number of the rocks on the channels of the river, or of the whirlpools, of the plumes of spray of waterfalls, or of the chaldrons, nature made, in which boil, day in and day out, many seas of emerald and pearl. ' 462 THE FAR EAST PEARLS OF THE RAPIDS. But the boatmen of the village of Hozu! Into the purple mists of the time of the gods they trace the birth date of their village. They are half priests, and they alone of all the millions of the people of Nippon, who are on such excellent and familiar terms with water everywhere, dare to guide a bark or raft down the ten mile stretch of the rapids. Danger is the salt of human life; fear is the fertilizer of human religions. In the village of Hozu saints are common, much more common than coin. Their life seems to be as clean as the ayu of the stream, and ayu, it has been said, sustains its life upon the life giving essence of clear water. They drink not any intoxicating liquor, neither do they taste of the flesh of the field nor of any creatures with warm blood. Chiefly they live upon the products of the soil. They are simple people ; their prayers are not like unto the pompous drums and the pipings in a gilded temple; their rites are not as many and puzzling as those of learned sects in Kyoto. In the following they put their trust: — If only your heart be one with the way of truth, Even tho' you pray not, the gods will hear. In the inviolability of a pure life, in the power of the pure of heart in persuading the gods to safeguard them from ills, their faith is strong enough to move something more heartless and heavy than the mountains. It was a day in the "sari gatsu sakura no saku jibtm," (the third moon, when the cherry flowers blow,) as the race of flower idolaters would say, that four of us, members all of one family, met two boatmen from the village of Hozu and a boat on the river bank. The east was already whitening. Under the break of day the stream was a loosened girdle of frosted silver, which seemed to have just dropped from the waist of the hills. EMBARKING FOR THE JOURNEY. "How honorably early august presences are!" greeted the priest-boatmen. One of them was standing at the prow of the boat, the other was at the stern, and in his hand was a long scull, if one might so call a long pole widening at the tail of it into a blade not unlike that of an oar; he was the man at the helm. Of the boat nothing was remarkable; small, without grace, simple to ruggedness. You can see something like that on any paddy field of the East, with this difference — the boat upon the Hozu is deeper than the paddy field "mud boats," as farmers call them. The boatman at the prow was armed with a bamboo pole — a simple bamboo pole such as you can find by the thousand in almost every bamboo grove in which all of us had played through all the days of youth. All the same, no magician's wand ever known in Arabia or Egypt or India, either to tales or soberer chronicles, can pretend to be as rich in miracles as that simple pole in the hands of that simple boatman from the village of Hozu and in the course of a single morning. _; DOWN THE HOZU. THE FAR EAST 463 The flat bottom of the boat was loaded with straw sacks filled with charcoal — the coal famous for its red golden glow, for its endurance, and which comes from the earth stoves not far from the boatmen's village, on the mountain side of the Atago. Neither a cushion nor a chair in the entire boat ; it had neither a roof to protect men and things from rain nor an awning to temper the heady heat of the sun. "Hang the honorable waist upon this sack," my father begged of my mother, and for himself and my sister also he took the pains to select a couple of charcoal sacks of as kindly a complexion as he could find. I, who had a slight suspicion of my humble station in life, stood at the stern with the helmsman. "As for the boy," august father deigned to take note of me, "It is well for him to see how long he could hold his ground upon his legs." And even the priest boatsmen (not too famous for their frivolity) smiled a smile. IN THE RAPIDS. At a sudden turn of the way, the stream changed from silver to snow. Two very large and sharp shouldered rocks were leading the charges of their lesser comrades. One from the right and the other from the left. And the river, which would not listen to their warning "stop," was whipped with the sound of thunder, into many a column quite as tall as the two captains of the rock. Here rainbows never die, and the future course of the river is lost in the fog of purple and amethyst. As the stream ran square into the line of warriors of the ancient mould, I found it difficult to see how human being or anything could live; death stared my imagination full in the face. I saw the spring color die out of the cheeks of my sister; I saw the arms of my mother go out to die waist of her daughter. As I sunk a limp enough rag at the feet of my brave helmsman, I noticed that there was a smile on the lips of my father. I had always known that he was a brave man; never before had I known how brave. "Stand up!" I heard his voice say in my direction. "Have you lost your feet already, and where is the nerve of the samurai of which you are proud?" In Nippon it is in the instinct of a son to obey where a command comes from the lips of his father. I struggled up. Then it was that the boat soared; it took an upward course of at least forty-five degrees ; down went I again. With the humiliation of the body, my pride had also a healthy fall. Over my father's shoulders, far up in air, I could see the boatsmen at the prow. And that miracle worker of a bamboo pole was slanting out from his right side, held by both of his hands, its point was already piercing into the very vortex of the sugar loaf of spray; I saw the angle of his elbow limned against the white of the fog. I saw also, before he disappeared in the mist smoke of the fray, that he punted right and left — a singular sort of spear practice. And the first miracle of the bamboo pole passed into history. 3 464 THE FAR EAST AERIAL NAVIGATION. We were racing at a break neck speed down a narrow channel where the water was a stream of cotton. Only the fancy of a very imaginative god of artists could have chiselled the hewn-rock embroideries which hemmed in the channel. And how did the boat manage to clear the huge rock, whose shape was like the back of a monster turtle and against which we ran at the same time as we flew in the face of Providence? Simply thus: — Th* boat left the water completely for a few seconds; it was a flying fish and the force with which the current shot it out of the stream was quite enough to carry it through the air over the bald head of the turtle-back rock. We hit the stream on the other side on the shoulder of a waterfall, polished as marble. And in the catching of that volume of smooth gliding water at the correct angle and right point as the boat takes water again, depends the death or life of the boat and all on board. We were now in the Hozu Canyon. No romances of Dumas pere take a more sudden or dramatic turn than does the stream of Hozu ; and of these the eyes of the gods and the forbidden glare of the pine clad rocks are the only spectators most of the time. Before us rises a piling of rocks. In color it is the mingling of the steel sheen of an ancient blade with that gray such as you find in the sky when the dusk of evening begins to fall upon a beautiful day. It rises over one hundred feet sheer into the pine shadowed air. The waters of the river pause as does a rushing orderly, who finds himself suddenly in the presence of his lord of the castle. They swirl awhile in a lordly leisure full of courtesy and dignity. With a profound bow they melt into the steel gray embrace of the rock. "That is called the Book Rock," my father said, turning to me, "Here is a fragment of the library of the gods. You see those books piled high, do you not? You can see each volume distinctly; even the silken cords that bind the volumes. They are a trifle bigger than the books you study at school, to be sure The gods are supposed to be a little larger in head and might than you or I. In the making of the Atago peak, which you see soaring overhead; in the making of the Hozu Canyon; in teaching the pines the evergreen constancy alike through the season of Great Heat and under the white burden of snow and giving them grace and dignity that shame human weaknesses, the gods seemed to require a great library or a treasure house of recorded wisdom of the past to assist them — even those omniscient gods and in those enlightened times of the gods. "But the scholars, who respect the gods more than I do, say that these books, piled high, as you see, before us, are not the repository of knowledge from which the gods helped themselves. And this is the story they tell: — In the beginning were the gods whom we mortals might know under the general name of the Beautiful. To them one day a silver stream from out of a modest mountain came. And the stream prayed unto them, saying, 'My Lords the THE FAR EAST 465 Beautiful, I am a rustic, born of a mountain and of country shade, simple, without the gentle culture of letters or of color. Nevertheless, I dream, O my lords, and in a dream alone I am sometimes permitted to see a beautiful home. Last night I dreamed such a dream. It was my friends the Clouds who told me of you ; they said that you, of all the beings in heaven and earth, can alone translate dreams into the real. As you see, then, august lords, I have forgot my humble self so far as to present myself in your presence with the prayer.' "And the gods smiled upon her. "By day the sun lighted the toils of the gods in the silence of the Atago Mountain and by night the stars did not see the gods at rest or asleep. Now, there was one among the gods who sat always beside a tableland ; in his hand he held an iron brush, which was many hundred times as large as die largest spear in your forefather's armory. And the pages upon which he wrote were of granite, and die story he wrote was the story of the chiselling of the Hozu Canyon. And piled high before you," concluded my father, "are some of the volumes of the history of the making of the canyon." Many a hundred yards about the foot of this granite pile of the books of the gods we skirted over the emerald stream. At another turn, facing us not so many hundred feet ahead, was a rock. It was large enough to completely dam the current. In the days of the gods it must have been perpendicular: To-day, through the century old hunger of the waters of the river, it was bitten away at its base. To the eyes at a distance, it had the appearance of the black upper jaw of a monster as it hung over the river. The current struck it at right angle — it struck it sharply. The stream, which had neither temper nor time to take a philosophical turn, rolled back upon itself up along the concave of the jawlike rock, white, stormy and with a thunder of rage. Our boat was making a tremendous way straight into the jaw — quite as straight as the cur- rent, quite as rapidly as the force of the stream. I heard above the tumult of the foam-whipped waters the voice of my father. It was calling my name: When I opened my eyes, I was dazed for a second ; smilingly, he was pointing with his finger at something a little ahead of us. Our miraculous boat was shooting ahead as an arrow: "Open your eyes," I heard my father say, "and look at these renge flowers!" Golden and glistening in the sun and spray, I saw the immense petals of the renge flowers carved out of sand rocks. You must not hastily get the idea that those renge flowers in the mid-channel of the Hozu are one of the many accidents of nature. In recognizing the semblance to a flower you need not in the least tax your imagination or fancy: They are as real as life. Fully ten yards in diameter are some of the renge flowers blossoming through both winter and summer in the silver waters of the Hozu. A faint scream of delight escaped from my mother's lips. When I turned my eyes in the direction of my father's finger I saw something that looked very I 466 THE FAR EAST much like a mountain slope wrapped in cotton-white clouds. A few minutes later we were hemmed in between the hillsides ablaze with the famous cherry flowers of Arashiyama. We forgot the stream. What a wretched race of ingrates humanity is! Miles and miles through this enchanted aisle we must have glided. At last — and so soon ! tea houses, straggling strings of pebbly beach play- ing at hide and seek with the cherry bushes, and the temple gables peeping out of the far woods, and the bridge laden with a thousand gay kimono which for all the world seemed to have stolen out of the sketches of the Uki'yoe School. Arashiyama ! AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUMI* Being an account of his life told by himself to and recorded by OH ASH I OTOWA. V. ON the following day a conference was held in the presence of the lord of the clan. All agreed that his lordship's taking the field in person was admirable. So, our lord proceeded to Ogori. It was the outer defence of the castle town of Yamaguchi. Inoue was given charge of the defence of Ogori . Takasugi and myself were to join the men at the fighting front in the direction of Bakwan . We reached a place called Shimizu on our way to the front. It was there that we received a message from our lord which recalled us post haste. When we reached Ogori, we were told that the lord of the clan, as well as his advisers, had decided to make peace with the foreigner. Inoue, Takasugi and myself were appointed a commission of three to negotiate the peace. The consensus of the opinions was not to abandon the anti-foreign movement entirely. The Choshu men had done everything to carry out the anti-foreign programme; success had not come to them, therefore their plan, at this time, was to temporize. That was all. They would have a little breathing spell of peace . Takasugi did not take kindly to this programme ; he became excited, in fact. He made no secret of it. He declared himself some- what after the following fashion : "It would never do, sir," said he, "to talk of peace at this time. We have gone too far : Peace might have been voiced with becoming grace and dignity in the days when the actual war had not yet been. But we have actually com- menced hostilities ; at the present time we are in the midst of war. Now that * Translated by Adachi Kinnosuke. Copyright 1908, by Adachi Kinnosuke. THE FAR EAST 467 we have commenced, in my humble judgment, our lord should hold to the course, and carry it to the bitter end." And here was the retort: — He was asked if he had received the order of his lord ; he was also asked when he was ready to obey it. Well, if Takasugi were to say that he declined to obey the order, there was one thing for him to do, namely — haraltfri. After an interval of reflection, Takasugi agreed to compromise, and expressed his ideas in less violent and decided terms. The final outcome of it all was that we decided to negotiate peace. In order to bring about the peace negotiations, truce was necessary. Through the chief elders the order of the lord of the clan to cease fighting, was communicated to the different companies of soldiers at the front. As for us, we lost no time in paying our visit to the vessels of the foreign fleet. I took the task of visiting the foreign ships upon myself, and went in a fishing boat. I selected the biggest of the warships, the "Conqueror," of seventy-two guns, as my first objective. At the gangway ladder, the guard would not allow me to board it : he repeated that the flag-ship was "that ship yonder," pointing to the "Ulysses." So I had the boatman row me to the ship indicated. On reaching it, I asked if it were the flag-ship. I was told to wait a while. Presently, Mr. Satow came and said to me, "Ah, Mr. Ito, you are weary of war already?" I told him very solemnly that I wished to see the Admiral, face to face, and asked him whether he would be good enough to help me to secure the interview. Mr. Satow told me that at that time the Admiral was giving his orders to capture the guns and forts ashore. "Better come in," he said, "make yourself at home and wait." I followed him into a cabin. I saw Captain Alexander wounded in the leg ; he showed me his wound, and told me what mischief our boys were doing. Soon the Admiral came. I said to him that we would like very much for him to cease bombardment He very readily consented to do so, and gave orders to stop firing. The Admiral asked me why the lord of the clan had not presented himself in person. I said that he was ill, and I had the honor of serving as his messenger. A little later, we saw a fishing boat making its laborious way toward the man-of-war. Aboard was a singular sight . There was a man in full costume of our ancient court, — high cap and the flowering aprons which were called eboshi shitatare. Taking a binocular, I saw that it was none other than my friend Takasugi. He was introduced as Anato Bingo. His get-up was ludicrous. With all that, very solemnly we declared that we were ready to open negotiations for peace. The first question asked was whether we possess- ed the proper credentials. "No," we said, "we do not." "In that case," said our foreign friends, "it is impossible to negotiate for peace and stop the war." They insisted that we should accompany the lord of the clan himself. They gave us a number of counter proposals, one of 468 THEFAREAST which I remember was the occupation of Hiroshima till the peace negotiations should have been concluded. But we declined to accept that. We suggested that we had better report to our lord of the clan their demands and terms of peace. They wished one of us to remain with them, so Takasugi and my- self decided to return and report, and left Inoue with our foreign friends. We arrived at the headquarters at Funagi. From all appearances, it seemed that we dropped into the midst of a conference . There were fourteen or fifteen men, all talking at one and the same time. There was something singular in the atmosphere . Suddenly we saw coming out to us a young man ; Kubo Magozo was his name. He was a son of our former instructor, and al the time was serving as an official at Funagi . He came up to us quietly, and spoke to both Takasugi and myself secretly: "There are men who are plotting to murder you both," he said. There were a few young blades in the company which was under the command of Yamada Akiyoshi (who later distinguished himself as a Minister of State) , and Shinagawa Vajiro. After the defeat at Kyoto, these men were deadly opposed to any peaceful measures. They were out and out anti-reform agitators. They took very cheerfully to as- sassination. These fellows were troublesome. Takasugi said to me, "This is bad . Here we are, entrusted with an important affair, and before us are a number of men who are making no secret of their intention of assassinating us. We find that the government is entirely powerless. This will never do. It would seem that we are nothing but homeless curs or cattle. I think the best plan for us is to start right out and away from this chaos." We acted upon the suggestion at once; we walked about two or three ri through the night. We found a farmer's hut and sought protection and a hiding place therein. The young man who communicated to us the report of assassination gave us all the assistance he possibly could, in order to protect us and guard our hiding place. Mr. Kubo was very much troubled over the actual conditions prevailing in the clan of Choshu at the time ; he saw the im- possibility of doing anything effective under such hopeless conditions, and he declared that the continuation of such state of things would result in the utter destruction of Choshu prestige, — in fact, the very existence of the clan. As soon as the government lost trace of us, it became uneasy and much concerned. The clan did not lose time in taking steps to call us out of our hiding place . It recalled Inoue from Shimonoseki. Inoue came back without loss of time . Through Inoue, not only the clan government, but His Lordship himself, gave us a solemn pledge that they would hold themselves responsible for the perfect safety of our persons, and very soon the government took meas- ures to communiate with us. That was not difficult. Mr. Kubo, who assisted us in so many things, knew our hiding place very well, therefore Kubo and Anato, in company with Inoue came to find us, bringing with them the communication from the lord of the clan. We went back with these men once i THE FAR EAST 469 more to Funagi, and once more we started for Bakwan. This time we had in company eleven men, among whom were the elders of the clan, and at last succeeded in bringing the peace negotiations to a successful issue. Somewhat prior to this time the clan of Kagoshima had also gotten into trouble with foreign powers. They too, had commenced hostile operations against the foreigners. The cause of the trouble of the Kagoshima clan was the incident at Namamugi. It was the famous Richardson case — a young Englishman who tried to ride through the procession of the Lord of Satsuma and was cut down by one of the retainers. And the foreigners were trying to fight the Kagoshima in a war of revenge. These two wars, — I mean the one that we had and the one that was of Kagoshima men, proved to be a revelation to both of us. They opened our ears and our eyes. While we were seeing a new light in the south, the national sentiment throughout Nippon was far from being united. Even at Kyoto, the Imperial Court itself was far from adopting a stable policy. As for the shogunate, it occupied an anoma- lous situation of actually having opened the country to foreign intercourse, and at the same time, in one section, it still advocated the anti-foreign policy. Of course the different clans throughout the country held to almost as may differ- ent policies. Under the circumstances, Nippon could not possibly present an unbroken front against foreign powers. In those days we used to call Kyoto and the Imperial Court "Kuge," and the Tokugawa party was known as "Buke," and between these two factions, harmony seemed to be almost hope- less. The confusion was indeed so great, and the knowledge about us was so scanty among the foreigners, that they concluded that the entire Nippon advo- cated the anti-foreign policy, simply because they saw the two clans of Choshu and Satsuma carry out the vigorous anti-foreign measures. In the midst of this turmoil, uncertainty and the break-up of all things which had been con- sidered stable and permanent, came the Restoration. The Restoration,* in its prime significances, tells a simple and eloquent story. It means the decay of the shogunate. Perhaps it would be better to use another word than "decay." Nearly three hundred years of peace, which the Shogunate permitted itself to enjoy, corrupted the sterling qualities of the samurai. The shogunate found it difficult to command the respect and obedience of the three hundred daimyo . It failed to rule them. The outcome * Says an ancient proverb : "One seeing is better than one hundred hearings". So it was with Prince Ito. He went abroad and saw. — saw clearly too, that flint rifles and wooden junks of loose planks can hardly be a foundation upon which to maintain the dignity, prestige and power of a great state. Especially was this the case when a state was called upon to stand out into the full light of the Western civilization. He saw also, that theie was a good deal and there were many things in the life, institutions and organizations of the West which were lacking in the Far East He saw, in short, the impossibility of the anti-foreign movement. He came to understand that if Nippon were to remain as a sovereign state, it was imperative for her to inaugurate a radical renovation and establish her affairs upon an entirely new basis. The conviction that the unity among the people of Nippon, both high and low, was essential to enable her to stand shoulder to shoulder with the states of the West, was forced upon him. Moreover, he saw the pre-eminent necessity of bringing about the restoration of the ad- 470 THE FAR EAST of it all was the Restoration . The shogun went up to Kyoto ; there also gath- ered the daimyo. At last came the restoration of actual administration to the Imperial Court. Meanwhile, the anti-foreign propoganda gave place to the policy of opening the country to. the foreign intercourse. AGRICULTURE IN MANCHURIA. BY HIRATA NOBUO. 'TRETCHING away north of the historic city of Mukden along the Liao Valley, a traveler may see a velt which may have equals in the Middle West and in Manitoba, but cer- tainly no superior anywhere in the agricultural world. The distribution centre of this favored land, called the Northern Manchuria, is found in the City of Ohang-Chung-Fu. To the east and to the southeast it borders upon the territory dominated by Kirin; to the west it stretches away toward Feng-Tien Province and toward Mongolia; on the southwest it borders on Feng-Tien Province and the District of Kwan-Tong. From the hill range which forms the water-shed of Central Manchuria, and which screens Chang-Chung on the north, springs many a stream which waters the valley. Chang-Chung is at the converging point to which, and from which, the three great agricultural districts of Manchuria gather and spread away — the Kirin, the Fien-Tien and the Mongolian territories. It is situated in the heart of the valley, famous for its fertility. The streams which irrigate it are also famous — the Sungari and its tributaries, the Itung and its branches. In fact it is not far from truth to say that the most fertile province of Manch- ministrative power to the real sovereign of the empire. So it came to pass that he advocated the policy of opening wide the country to foreign intercourse, and thus lay the foundation of a healthy development of Nippon. of Philosophy, Yale University, (477 pags, Illustrated), - $2.50 fe WAKENING of China. By Prof W. A. P. Martin, for over Twenty i c~ h , Adent of the Peking University, 's ' jfusely Illustrated) - - HE FAR EAST, For One Year, - - - OUR SPECIAL COMBINATION OFFER, $3.80 $3.00 $930 $8.50 WO for almost the price of One. The most exhaustive history of the Russo-Japanese War from the Russian side : i^^\ HE Tragedy of Russia in Pacific Asia. ^L J By Frederick McComrick, the Associated Press ^^fc^^ Correspondent with the Russian Army. Two large volumes, profusely illustrated! with photo- graphs and drawings hy the author, and maps, - - - $6.00, net PAP FA 9T For °ne Year' 1 /*\l\ CAO 1 Renewal Subscription, $3.00 $9.00 {U OUR SPECIAL OFFER FOR THE TWO, $7.00 m OST OF our subscribers began with the first isstae of the Magazine. Your subscription will expire with the issue for September. Send us NOW $7.00 and we shall place in your hand a vivid story of the war, which will remain as standard, and another year of the FAR EAST free. {][ This offer stops with the first of September ^{1 This offer is open to those who subscribed with later numbers. Send us $7.00 and we shall send the books and extend your sub- scription one year from the time of expiration. VOL. I. AUGUST, 1908 No. 11. THE FAR EAST DETROIT, MICH., U. S. A. rHIRTY CENTS THE COPY. THREE DOIAARS THE YEAR. Autobiography of Prince Ito Hir- obumi Viscount Ka'neko on the Grand Ex- position of Nip- pon, 1 91 2. |\\; /;".:• ". A Kindergarten Class in Nip- '•■■"■• '^S\'k\ ponese. Maisui Nana ■ Notes on the Picto-j rial Art of Nippon Hara Taro |;,\- '-,;-". The New East in the Making Atada Masuo r The Far East Adachi Kmnosuke, Proprietor and Editor AUGUST, 1908 CONTENTS THE THRONE, IMPERIAL PALACE, MUKDEN FRONTISPIECE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE iTO HIROMBUMI— VI. Being an account of his life as told by himself to and recorded by AHASHI ATOWA 505 (Illustrated) COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY OF OUR COUNTRY, AND THE GRAND EXPOSITION OF NIPPON (Illustrated) VISCOUNT KANEKO 513 Director-General of the Grand Exposition of Nippon PICTORIAL ART OF NIPPON: NOTES ON MARUYAMA SCHOOL. MINAMOTO OKYO, THE FOUNDER— PART I. HARA TARO 516 THE AGRICULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL INTERESTS OF CENTRAL NIPPON BARON MATSUOKA 521 Minister of Agriculture and Commerce A RECENT INVASION OF THE ORIENT THOMAS D. KNIGHT 525 One of the members of the Taft Party to the Orient A KINDERGARTEN CLASS IN NIPPONESE MATSUI HANA 532 SANGATUS SAKURANO SAKUJIBUN A Love Story of Nippon ADACHI KINNOSUKE 535 THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING ASADA MASUO 544 (Illustrated) On the Seto Wares The Russian Attempts at the Command of the Waterway Transportation between Europe and the Far East The Overflow of the Han River in Central China The Expansion of the Mercantile Marine of China Russian Navy in the Far East The Workings of the South ManchUrian Railway OF BOOKS ON THE FAR EAST ASINO KOJIRO 550 "The Tragedy of Russia in Pacific Asia" (Illustrated) FREDERICK McCORMICK Copyright, 1908, by The Far East Publishing Co., Entered as second-class matter July 9, 1908, at the post office at Detroit, Mich. Published Monthly by The Far East Publishing Co., The Addison, Detroit, Mich., U. S. A. THRONE. IMPERIAL PALACE, MUKDEN The Far East Vol. 1 August 1908. No. 11, AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUMI * Being an account of his life as told by himself to and recorded by OHASHI OTOWA. VI. XT was after Kido (Count Kido of the later years, perhaps the greatest constructive genius, especially in state finance, the new Nippon has produced) returned to Choshu, Sakamoto Ryuma (one of the famous young patriots of the day) came to Choshu. He brought with him letters from Saigo. He advanced the eminent advantage of alliance between Choshu and Satsuma — it was an im- perative necessity, he insisted. He visited Kido and asked him what he thought of the alliance. Kido told him that he and Inoue and myself would at once favor such an understanding. Still an alliance cannot be brought about without securing the co-operation of many other men of Choshu. The prevailing opinion of the clan of Choshu, as a matter of fact, looked upon Satsuma as an historic enemy of the reigning house of the Choshu clan, and the majority of the clansmen held, therefore, that they would under no circum- stances ally themselves with Satsuma. Moreover the men of Choshu, after their defeat at the City of Kyoto, were excited and there was small hope of negotiating a proposal like this. If such a program be worked at all with the Choshu men, however, the essential step was to introduce the idea through the gentlest methods at first and create a popular favor for such an alliance by a wise and gradual propoganda. It was eminently unwise and impossible to take the men of Kihei-tai into confidence in this matter. They were mostly young radicals. Letters of Saigo and his colleagues which expressed a kindly consideration for the co-operation of the two clans of Choshu and Satsuma showed sufficient indication of what Satsuma men were doing and what they were thinking of. Here was an opportunity for Choshu; we could avail ourselves of it and attain the one great and imperative aim of our endeavor — namely, the reorganization of our clan army. The first step in the reorganization of our army was the adoption of weapons of the western pattern. We could perhaps purchase a few thousand rifles at Nagasaki any time, but there was one difficulty — how were we to ship the rifles from Nagasaki to Choshu? If the Satsuma men, however, were willing to help us in this matter it would solve the difficulty. Satsuma men enjoyed a reputation among us as truthful and * Translated by Adachi Kinnosuke. Copyright 1908, by Adachi Kinnosuke. 506 THE FAR EAST worthy of confidence. Evidently the right solution of this important question of arming our forces with the right weapon was to take advantage of the overtures made by the Satsuma leaders and enlist their assistance in this matter. Therefore we decided to pay a visit to our Satsuma friends. Now Prince Sanjo was at Dadaifu : the men of Satsuma were serving as his per- sonal guard of honor; it was to that place, therefore, that we made our way. We talked the matter over with Prince Sanjo himself and then we met the Satsuma men. After our conference with them the Satsuma friends gave us a guard who escorted us to Nagasaki. At Nagasaki was Mr. Komatsu. He took every opportunity to show his sincere interest and faith in us and did everything to assist us, and after our mission was over he sent us back to Choshu by a ship called the Chocho Maru. While at Dadaifu we met Shiotaki and his friends. There was also Kusumoto Bunsuke. At Nagasaki, we bought rifles and also a ship. The name of the ship was the Etchu Maru. The captain of the ship was a man of Tosa who answered to the name of Umieda. He was one of the disciples of Katsu, and we sailed our ship under the flag of Satsuma. There was a certain difficulty in the course of negotiation for the purchase of this ship. It was objected to on the ground that the purchase was irregular; that it should go through the hands of the officers of Mitajiri Naval Station (in Choshu), but we persisted in ignoring such contention and asserted that this matter was thoroughly approved by Kido and ourselves, and Kido had the entire stage to himself at Yamaguchi {the capital of Choshu) after his return. It was about this time I believe also that a naval officer called Admiral King paid a visit to our lord of Choshu. Admiral King came to Mitajiri. He was the commander of the oriental fleet. He was cruising in the Nippon and China seas. At first he came to Bakwan and he was invited to Mitajiri. Our lord of the clan took a special trip to Mitajiri, and I remember, he and the British officer were photographed together. Our clan was on friendly terms with the British. The British were not at all friendly to the shogunate and naturally sided with our movements. At the time of the Restoration, therefore, the British were always on the side of the imperialists and assisted their work materially. As for France she appeared to side with the shogunate at that time. It was the third year of Keio ( 1 867) while Shogun Keiki was in Kyoto, I was ordered to pay a visit to the City of Kyoto in order to ascertain the situation at the capital city. On my way I touched at Satsuma. At that time I saw Saigo and a number of other Satsuma men, and we discussed policies of state. We agreed from first to last in our support of the open- country policy. A little later, on the occasion of the memorial of Goto Shojiro of Tosa, I went to Nagasaki. There, too, I met a number of Sat- £ 2 'J o 4 f H < M THEFAREAST 507 suma men as well as the men of Tosa. There were a few among the ultra- radicals who opposed Goto, I remember. I also recall at that time a rather amusing incident in connection with a naturalized citizen. He was an Irishman. His name, I believe, was Pound, and we gave him a Japanese name of Omoi Tetsunosuke {which being inter- preted means "heavy iron') which we thought came as near as possible to his original name. Takasugi and myself introduced him, and since he wished to be naturalized we gave him this Japanese name. At Nagasaki we put him in our costume. Our original idea was to get him to teach English to some of our men, but he was very troublesome. He was drunk all the time; and exceedingly violent in his actions when drunk. We stood his out- rages as far as we could and actually at one time we decided to cut him dowa but he succeeded in effecting his escape. To return to my visit to Nagasaki, it was there that I met the British admiral. I was invited to go aboard his ship. I wished to avail myself of this opportunity of going aboard a British ship and learning something of the naval life and also the English. I wished, however, to return home first and receive the permission for a somewhat extended cruise aboard the British ship which I did, and after boarding her we sailed among the islands off the Korean coast and returned to Hyogo. I was treated as a guest aboard the British ship with all imaginable courtesies. At Kobe ( which is a city situated next to Hyogo)! found an American physician called Dr. Baker. I had seen him before at Nagasaki and I had talked with him about my cherished project of establishing an English school, and so when I saw him at Kobe I invited him to go home with me. My idea was, at that time, to establish the school at Mitajiri. That was the close of the year. Up to the time of the Restoration, when things were changed with one sudden shock, we had been known by different names. Kido had answered to the name of Katsura Shogoro, and Murata Zoroku had been known as Omura Masujiro, and I had answered to the name of Hayashi Uichi. In the first year of Meiji ( 1 868), I was summoned by the government under the name of Ito Shunsuke; that name remained with me. At the time of the Restoration, and through the days when the battle of Fushimi was in progress, I was back in my native province. Sometime prior to this, I entered into a contract with an American to teach in my proposed school. I accompanied him down to the city of Yamaguchi. There we opened a school and after having opened it, in company with the American, I once again took my trip to Kobe. It was on the 1 1 th day of the first moon of the first year of Meiji ( 1 868) . When I entered the city of Kdbe, I was surprised at the violent excitement and disturbance in which I found the city. It seemed to me as if Kobe was entirely within the military pos- session of foreign troops. I secured an interview with Sir Parks, who was 508 THEFAREAST the British Minister, and later I made my way to Osaka. In the City of Osaka a definite plan was finally decided upon, for the public announcement of the Restoration. Prince Higashikuze was appointed as an Imperial Am- bassador, to be sent to Kobe to announce to the ministers of foreign powers the news of the restoration of governmental power to the Emperor and the change of administration. In this manner the new government was recognized. As soon as the new administration came to power, we held to the opinion that the Imperial government should at once take over the management of foreign affairs under its own control. Kido sided with us from the very beginning, and supported our views strongly. His contention was that the policy of exclusion was no longer possible, neither was it profitable. The strong tend- ency of the time was, in short, for the policy of opening the country to inter- national intercourse. To be sure, there were a few men, such as Oraku Gentaro, who persisted in advocating the jo-i doctrines of "sweeping away the barbarians." The Clan of Choshu, meanwhile, was absolutely in oppo- sition to the shogunate. Mr. Katsu (Count Katsu of the later day) went to Choshu as an accredited representative of the shogunate, but the clansmen of Choshu took it into their heads that Mr. Katsu visited them simply on his own initiative and at his own pleasure. For that reason they did not accord him the attention due to the representative of the shogunate. It was certain, how- ever, that the very dream of making peace with the shogunate never entered into the heads of the Choshu men. We held to the opinion that the actual administrative power of the government functions, ought to be restored to the Imperial Court. The men of Choshu began to accuse us of disloyalty to our clan and to its lord. The Choshu men contended that Ito is trying his ut- most to destroy the prestige and position of his own clan and his own lord. They argued that it was not well for them to allow Ito to go abroad in the imperial city of Kyoto. Ito should never be allowed to go under the guise of a representative of the Choshu clan. They sent us, therefore, such men as Mihori Kosuke to take proper measures against us in Kyoto. Kido and Hirosawa were opposed to my retirement at heart but in outward appearances they betrayed nothing of the kind. They went to see Prince Sanjo and Prince Iwakura. It was not their pleasure to bury me away com- pletely, and at the time, Prince Iwakura begged us to bear along with the situation. The time was, — so Prince Iwakura told us — when there was a bully who broke into his house, called him a traitor and threatened to assassin- ate him; that such annoyances were common with men who would do a great thing. And so it came to pass that I neither retired nor abandoned the active struggle. There were incidents in those days which brought me some dis- agreeable experience. Once I served as a personal guide to the late Lord Gentoku. I was mounted and led the way in front of his lordship who also was mounted. A short time later, a friend of mine cautioned me against . THE FAR EAST 509 showing myself in public in such manner, — that is to say, showing myself on horseback in front of the lord of the clan himself. I was told that I was running the risk of being assassinated, because my action was taken as an insult toward my own lord. At the time I held out by declaring that I had longed for the coming of just such a day as this; I was utterly indifferent to life or death; I made boast of my recklessness. But as the clamor became louder and louder against my action, I, in the end, presented my resignation. In answer to my resignation, I received a long official communication saying that my resignation would be accepted under the circumstances; but that I should devote himself to the foreign or diplomatic affairs. I was told also that the government had just appointed a young man by the name of Mutsu Tsugamaru as the Governor of Kobe, and that it expected me to guard and guide him. I was given an office of the Counsellor in the Prefecture of Hyogo. In the spring of the following year I was summoned to Tokyo. Those were the days when the institutions and offices of the new govern- ment were yet to be organized and systematized. I was serving in the capacity of an officer on foreign affairs. After the passage of one or two months, governmental organization was straightway put in order. To me, was given at that time the rank of the third class of Chokunin, and office of the coun- sellor to the government. I was also appointed as an advisor on the Board of Foreign Affairs. I also combined the office of a judge of the city of Osaka; a special commissioner for the administration of the foreigners in the city of Kobe. In May of that year, the Prefecture of Hyogo was established and I was appointed its governor. I was then one of the principal advocates of nulli- fying the old clans. The men who advocated this measure of abolishing the clan system were not popular. Neither the Imperial Court nor the different clans all over the Empire, had the slightest idea at this time of abolishing clan system. The samurai were still clinging to the idea of receiving their heredi- tary revenue of 500,000 koku, and a million koku, as they used to do. I broached this matter to Kido, discussed it with him; and I had the pleasure of seeing Kido agree with and support me very enthusiastically. It gave me courage. I brought the matter to the attention of the clans of Satsuma and Choshu. After that I approached the clans of Tosa and Hizen. As for the two princes, Sanjo and Iwakura, they were thoroughly in accord with us from the start. This was the measure which won for me their regard and favor. Those were the days of great things and pregnant events were pass- ing into history in great numbers. Even the events which transpired in the first year of Meiji alone were astonishingly many and big. The questions of prime importance with the new government were two: — foreign affairs and finance. I was appointed to be one of the officers of the Finance Depart- ment. My chief at the time was Date Muneshiro. This year saw the more 310 THE FAR EAST perfect organization of governmental departments. By the Imperial rescript, the Department of Finance and Department of Foreign Affairs, and so on, were established, and the different ministers and secretaries of the depart- ments were appointed. Okuma (Count Okuma of later days) was appointed the Chief Secretary of Finance Department, and I was appointed as the Assist- ant Secretary, and we devoted our efforts to the disposition of counterfeit coins and paper money. In those days, I worked almost entirely in connection with Okuma. We studied the methods and means for the prevention of de- preciation of paper money; we also examined into the work of railway con- struction. In the second year of Meiji, Okuma, and myself perfected a plan for the construction of the railway between Yokohama and Tokyo. The construction of this railway opened the very hornet's nest of discussion and bitter fight. With all that, we carried out the program, against all opposition. In order to investigate into this enterprise, and many other affairs in connection with the railway, I took a trip abroad. I went to America, and I was allowed to study the workings of the Treasury Department of America for about half a year. I was in company at that time with such men as Fukuchi Genichiro and Yoshida Jiro, and Yoshikawa Kensei, and at the office of the Treasury Department at Washington we studied the taxation and currency system of the United States, its revenues, budgets, the regulation of her national banks, the management of the financial department, the mint, customs, and many other things. Incidentally we studied the constitution of the United States, and for the first time, began to understand the financial and economic systems of the West. After coming home, I went to Osaka and devoted myself to the establish- ment and opening of the mint. I made an exhaustive report on the monetary system of the United States to our Department of Finance, and advocated from beginning to end, the necessity of adopting the gold standard. But somehow, my contention for the adoption of the gold standard went for naught. I put myself, however, on record that the very first principle that I advocated in connection with the finance of our country was the adoption of gold standard. At first I managed to coin gold coins, and after that we coined trade silver of the value of one yen. I followed the American system in this, I found the subsidiary coins in America were silver also, and the sub- sidiary coins were coined largely for convenience. Later it came to pass that we in Nippon began to use silver almost exclusively, and so we continued for some time and with another turn, we adopted the gold standard. There was about this time a radical change in the personnel of the govern- ment; Okubo became Minister of Finance, and Inoue became the First Secretary of the Department of Finance, and I was appointed the head of the taxation bureau, and combined the office of the Chief of the Mint. This \. f s i£K- -w' 'M m THE FAR EAST 511 had an appearance of having been degraded to a minor office. At the same time I found I was obliged to work a good deal at Osaka, and while I was occupied with the business there, I drew up the first draft of the regulations and rules of the Finance Department. It was no small undertaking. I even went into such details as to call in a paper manufacturer and discuss with him the shape and character of the parchment to be used by the Department of Finance. At this time there was a move of issuing bank notes after the American pattern and Okuma, who was still in the Department of Finance, took charge of that department. For the disposition of paper currency, we decided to establish national banks. We also arranged for the issuance of government bonds. While in America I saw Nakajima Nobuyuki who came by way of Europe. I left the work of investigation of the government bonds in his hands. When Goto Shojiro was appointed as the Chief Secretary to the Depart- ment of Public Works, he told me that he knew nothing about such matters and wished me to take the office in his place. In this manner I received the appointment to the first Secretaryship of the Department of Public Works While these things were transpiring Prince Iwakura was appointed at the head of a mission to be despatched to Europe. He told me that if I con- sented to accompany him to Europe, he would accept the appointment with pleasure but in case I declined to do so, he was in an embarrassing position. I readily accepted the invitation to accompany him, and at the time it was suggested that it would be well for both Kido and Okubo to make an acquaintance with Europe. It was therefore decided that the mission should be composed of Prince Iwakura, Kido, Okubo, Yamaguchi Hanzo, all accom- panied by secretaries, and the mission was to make a tour of investigation through every state of Europe. We started on our trip the winter of the fourth year of Meiji. We spent the entire year of the fifth of Meiji ( 1 872) abroad, and returned home in September, the sixth of Meiji. Kido and myself, as I have said, received instructions at the same school ; naturally our relations were intimate. But for a time our friendship suffered a little through a singular misunderstanding. It arose in course of this European mission. The reason for it all was something like this : Kido and Okubo were exceedingly important personages in Nippon at the time. Of course, for the pillar and support of the State were Saigo and a few others, but from the standpoint of administrative talent, Saigo was not of the ablest Now, I went to America in company with Okubo. We were commissioned to broach the subject of the revision of treaties to the different powers to which we were accredited, but without going any farther than the United States, we found that we did not have sufficient powers invested in us to discuss with the representatives of the different governments the question of the revision of 512 THE FAR EAST treaties, and in order to receive ample powers to negotiate such revisions, I returned home. At the time, Okuma and Inoue were shouldering the most important functions of the government in the absence of the eminent men of the embassy. Yamagata {the present field-marshal) and Saigo were also at home. When I mentioned the reason why I returned home, both Okuma and Inoue said to me: "If Kido and Okubo were to stay abroad, it is very difficult to conduct die domestic affairs properly, and for that reason we wish you would arrange matters in such a way as to persuade Kido and Okubo to return home as quickly as possible. As for the European tour, we hope you would undertake it, and facilitate a speedy return of Kido and Okubo." Someone, we could not find who, began to scatter the rumor that Inoue and Okuma were scheming to get Kido and Okubo back home as quickly as possible. Now, this rumor did not please Kido at all. He took offense on the ground that a few of his subordinates at home took it into their heads to dictate his movements. So when I took the second trip to America, and from America passed into Europe and met Kido, I noticed at once the entirely different attitude on the part of Kido toward us. I could not account for it. I could not understand; but I did not pay any attention to this matter in the least. One day, it was in the city of London, Kido, Okubo and Yamaguchi were dining together. I was put in charge of the secretaries, whose duty was to prepare reports to the home government. One of the paragraphs of the report prepared at the time ran something like this: "As for the time of our em- bassy's return it will be some time past the summer of the fifth of Meiji." We presented this report for signature. Kido glanced over this passage, then threw back his head, and with a mounting color remarked: "Who can tell when we shall return to Nippon? There is no necessity of stating the time. And why should the secretaries get together and try to dictate our move- ments?" That was the first hint I had as to the reason of Kido's displeasure toward us. There was another singular thing in connection with this. The remark made by Okuma and Inoue to me on my return to Nippon was, by no means, meant to curtail the time of Kido's and Okubo's visit to Europe from any hostile motive. Inoue and Okuma made the remark solely because they were solicitous of the difficult situation of the domestic affairs, and be- cause they felt sorely the need of the presence and assistance of these two great men. We were innocent of the vile efforts of an unknown party who evidently gave Kido an entirely wrong construction of this matter. I remarked to Kido that it is likely that he and Okubo will be recalled by an Imperial order, and made the matter worse. Naturally Kido was exceedingly angry. After passing through France, Belgium, Holland, we reached Germany, and there we found Aoki-Shuzo and Shiagawa Yajiro. They said to us : f OFFICFRS OF ADMINISTRATION BUREAU, THE GRAND EXPOSITION OF NIPPON, 1912 In front row, reading from right to left; Mr. Beppu, head of the Department of Gen- eral affairs; Mr. Yamawaki, head of the Department of Exhibits; Mr. Okamoto, head of the Department of Administration; Mr. Mizugami, an Administrator. — In the back row, Mr. Sakai, head of the Department of Publicity; Mr. Akada, head of the Department of •Construction; Mr. Toyohara, head of the Department of Secretaries; Mr. Kato, an Ad- ministrator. THE FAR EAST 513 "We don't think that you are getting along very well with Kido. Let us smooth this matter over between you." I did not accept their invitation. I said to them: "As for my relations with Kido, you need not be troubled about them." And while we were staying at Berlin, we received an Imperial com- mand for Kido and Okubo to return home. Okubo at once complied with the command. As for Kido, he separated himself from the Embassy and visited Russia and Italy, and after that, returned home. I remained in the company of Prince Iwakura and Yamaguchi Hanzo. I think Kido returned home in April or May of the sixth of Meiji, and we returned in September of the same year. COMMERCIAL ACTIVITY OF OUR COUNTRY, AND THE GRAND EXPOSITION OF NIPPON OF 1912. BY VISCOUNT KANEKO. Director-General of the Grand Exposition of Nippon. V^to^^ HERE are few ways which can better promote the expansion m (T*\ and development of natural productive industries, and ad- m 1 vance culture and knowledge of man, than the establishment ^^B^^ and conduct of an international fair. The necessity of an industrial exposition is in this, that one should have a general survey of the industrial activities of the first powers of the world, so that he may be able to adopt the excellences of other countries in order to im- prove the short comings of one's own country. Since the Restoration we have seen some forty-one years, within which period our national prestige arose through the conduct of the China-Nippon and Russo-Nippon Wars. We have already joined the household of first powers of the world, but in the development of our productive interests, it must be conceded that we are far from attaining the position that we should attain. This is the time in which we should attempt and plan effectively the great development of our productive industries. The Grand Exposition of Nippon, which is to be opened in 1912, is in name national. In fact, it is an international exposi- tion. One can very easily see the advantage accruing from the establishment of a world's fair by simply reviewing the advantages which England received through its international exposition of 1 850. At that time there was a con- viction prevalent throughout England which looked upon their own products and manufacturers as the best in the world. In spite of this conviction, they were compelled to see that the articles produced by Italy, Germany, Holland and France were largely superior to their own. This international fair held in London marked a distinct period. It was the beginning of a new era; it aroused the British from their dream of self-content. They at once saw 514 THE FAR EAST their shortcomings, and lost no time in establishing industrial museums. The result of all this could be seen in an eloquent fact that since those days the British manufacturers have been studiously examining into the exhibits of other countries and their manufactures, until today it is no vain boast that the British manufacturers rank at the very top in the world's products in several lines. This then, is one of the first practical lessons which the different powers of the world saw as the result of an international fair. The principal articles which the management of the Grand Exposition of Nippon requests the exhibitors to produce at the exposition, are those which have vital bearing on agriculture, education, machinery, branches of manu- facturing industry. Besides these four general types of exhibits, the different powers of the world are requested to build their own buildings in which they are perfectly at liberty to exhibit anything they choose, — their agricultural products, marine products, etc. Still the plan of our exhibition is to en- courage exhibits along the four specified lines. The indications from the different countries of the world are good in this line. They seem to welcome the suggestion of the management of the exposition with open candor and pleas- ure. The first to express its satisfaction in the program of the management was the Mexican government. Next to that, we received very hearty co-operation from New Zealand, New South Wales, the United States of America. Especially in the case of the United States, the President in his special message to Congress, expressed his desire that the United States should take advantage of this opportunity to enhance and strengthen the unbroken friend- liness of fifty years which the two countries have maintained. He has taken the trouble of explaining in detail and with enthusiasm the reasons why they should co-operate very heartily with the conduct of the exposition. As the result of it all, at first the House of Representatives passed on the appropria- tion of $350,000. The Senate hinted its desire of increasing the amount to $500,000 and in turn the House of Representatives wished to increase the amount to $700,000. There was an indication of ever increasing interest in both houses, and at the time of my departure from Tokyo I had not been advised as to the definite amount of appropriation, but even as I was attend- ing the meeting of your Association, I was notified of the receipt of tele- graphic advice from the American Ambassador, stating that the American Government had decided on the appropriation of $1,500,000 for the Grand Exposition of Nippon. From this one can easily see the extent of American interest in our Ex- position. The largest amount which the United States has ever appropriated for the purpose of international expositions abroad was for the Paris expo- sition of 1900. The amount appropriated was $650,000, and now for THE FAR EAST 515 the exposition to be held in our country, America has appropriated an amount that is unprecedented. As for England, although she has not taken any decisive measures for the exposition, still I have all reason to believe that the exposition, will be re- ceived by the British friends with equal sympathy and enthusiasm as were ex- hibited by the United States. I also believe that Germany and France and other European states would do their utmost in their efforts. As for the conduct of an international exposition, it is becoming more and more difficult with every year. The scope of an international exposition has been enlarged from year to year. There is a tendency now among the lead- ing powers of the world that tends to emphasize the quality and the order, and the value of actual achievements, rather than in the vastness of an exposition. In this respect, our country should be congratulated in arriving at the most opportune time. It has been the custom with all the exhibitions held in Nippon that the number of articles exhibited are exceedingly small, and the number of exhibitors comparatively large. This is a mistake. There are two central ideas upon which Germany acts in connection with all her expositions. First, they ask their exhibitors to put special emphasis on articles especially suitable for foreign trade. Second, the exhibitors of Germany are very careful in exhibiting only those articles which are im- portant enough to increase the reputation of Germany, and they do not permit themselves to exhibit any articles which are not likely to enhance the already enviable name of Germany, as a manufacturing country. It would be well for us, in connection with our Exposition of 1912, to follow this excellent German example. Sometimes in our country, people have made it a custom to manufacture special articles for the special purpose of exhibiting at the fair. That is wrong. The articles which our people would exhibit at the fair should be of that type which show the resources of Nippon to the foreigner, and for that purpose they should exhibit such articles as would answer the foreign demands, and if possible the articles which have an almost unlimited capacity in sup- plying such demands. It has been thought best, also, that the exhibits should be presented from an association, or a body of merchants, rather than from individuals, and for that reason, at different points, different organizations of exhibitors have been established to systematize and arrange their respective articles of exhibits. It is also important that a very careful examination be made of such articles as are to be exhibited at the exposition, before hand. This would do much to improve the character of the exhibits.. 516 THE FAR EAST PICTORIAL ART OF NIPPON: NOTES ON MARUYAMA SCHOOL. MINAMOTO OKYO, THE FOUNDER. BY HARA TARO. PAPER I. OKYO was born, they say, far from cities, in the lyric quiet of Tamba Country in the sixteenth year of the gracious Period of Kyoho, that is to say, in 173), A. D. The birth of Daijo Temple of Kameizan, dates somewhat earlier than that — in the reign of Emperor Shomu, in the seventeenth year of Temp'yo Period — 745, A. D. It is, therefore, nearly ten centuries older than the birth date of perhaps the greatest realist Nippon has yet produced. And the Temple is in Fragrance-Abiding- Village (call it, Kasumimura, if you perfer its Nipponese name; they call it Morimura also) in the County of Migumi, which by interpretation, means Beauty-Embracing in the Country of Tajima. It commands the Nippon Sea, the mistress of as picturesque a bit of geography as the sun knows. It was founded by the famous saint, Gyoki by name. All the same they call it Okyo's own Temple. The reason of it all is something like this : There was a priest, very ambitious, and gifted above the common run of saints, and who, therefore, naturally had a dream. Thoughtful Buddahs put him at the head of Daijo Temple. That was not so many years before the budding days of Okyo's art To see a beautiful temple rise from the simple bosom of farm lands, in praise of his Lord Buddha, into the high sky and toward the full moon, the rounded and chaste symbol of Buddha-truth, — that was his dream. Everywhere he went, therefore, the priest took his pious, patient thought to the gathering of every bamboo stick that might be astray on the roadside without a master — he would weave them into a skeleton of the temple walls — of every piece of vagabond rag which he transformed into the under dressing of a screen. Not always do the ambitious and the worthy reap the harvest of their toil on earth. When the worthy priest joined his holy master on the Veranda of the Lotus, his dream had not been translated into wood and clay. Happily, however, the same dream entered into the heart of his successor. His name was Mitsueishonin. The present Temple Daijo is his work. When young, Mitsueishonin frequented Maruyama in the flower capital of Kyoto. In Maruyama dwelt an artist, a painter, poor as if he had just been fished out of a flood. The half starved painter at the time, was totter- ing under the decidedly unprofitable nom de p'mceau of Okyo. Because the THE FAR EAST 517 artist was rich in colors and loved the graces of mountain and water, of the cock and the crane, and because also he was quite gifted to tell the human eye his exceeding love of them in terms of the beautiful, the young priest Mitsueishonin asked the artist to join his leisure hours more than once. One day there was a half born smile on the lips of the young priest from Tajima. Presently he said to Okyo: "Master, tell me, is there a wish in your heart more precious :" And the words rose to Okyo's lips, quickly as a flash and a lightening was in his eyes: "Wishes! I am rich in them. But I have sunk lower than the bottom of my purse. Today I am about to discover the bottom to the bottomless dark called despair." The priest laughed. So trifling, so frivolous a matter as the lack of gold — why should it rob the young days, so bright and so rich in promise, of Okyo? "A little piece of gold — surely the request you make of Buddha is politely humble." "If I had but three £n>amme (thirty pounds) of silver I would go down to Yedo," Okyo made answer seriously, "and the under-heaven will know the name of Okyo before a dozen seasons shall have come and gone." The gravity of Okyo's despair and the humorously small cause thereof, amused the priest. Straightway the three fcivamme of silver changed hands. Straightway Okyo sped down to Yedo. Three years passed. And the name of Okyo, as he had confidently said, went abroad throughout the land of Nippon. His name made, Okyo came back to Maruyama. He had not forgot the priest of Tajima. This time he was not lacking in money; also he was rich in pupils. Among them he choose a favored few, — Minamoto Ki, Goshun and Shurei among others and with them he made his thanksgiving pilgrimage to the Daijo Temple of Kameizan. I do not know the days nor the hours Okyo and his friends spent in the temple. Always they coaxed their brushes into magic wands; always they mixed their colors into miracles. I know when they departed, every wall, every fusuma, every byobu that was in the temple had upon it that beautiful touch of the eternal called art with which time has no quarrel. Will you follow me through the rooms ? It is certainly a poor guide who does not take you to the real thing. But the best is the most that is required of a mortal, is it not? So your imagination (I pray that it is gifted exceeding rich) must see what my pen is too short, too ill manned to paint, as we pass from room to room through the temple. I. The Room of Mountain and Water. It is also called the Room of the Great Dais. Minamoto Okyo (to write the famous name in full) painted it It is the room of thirty-five mats. The wall is of rusty russet. 518 THE FAR EAST Upon it, and also upon the gold ground of the fusuma. Okyo painted the streams and pure-washed mountains. Standing in the middle of the room if you fail to feel, on a summer day, the cool of that unstained breaths of the gods that come to you sighing through the pine needles, or if, on a winter day, feel that holy quietude that washes the vulgar out of a human soul, that turns a courtier into a monk, then I fear there must be something decidedly wrong about your charming self. On the wall that commands the platform or toko hang the triple kakemono °f dragons. II. The Room of Banana. They call it the Room of Kwakushigi also. Okyo's work, on eight fusuma. Rich in colors, the picture of children with their beloved Kwakushigi, who with the full weight of snow, Age had heaped upon his beard, stands on the other end of life's bridge, is altogether very com- pelling. So true is the picture to the things that are, that it has given birth to a legend. On day, they say, a certain simple man of the field came to the temple; very politely the head priest, who, above all, was no respector of persons, was showing him and his friends through the temple. The simple man marvelled much. Not exactly did he question the honesty of the good priest's words; at the same time he found it impossible not to be a trifle sceptical. Those children, could it be possible that they are actually upon fusuma, a mere work of brush, a trick of colors upon credulous eyes? When, for a moment, the back of the priest was turned upon him, he stretched out his finger. His finger did not happen to be quite as clean as the heart of the Buddha. So it has remained there upon the beautiful fusuma, that soiled finger print of the farmer ever since the birthday of the legend, — a stained warning to the sceptical. And you can see it till this day. III. The Room of the Peacock. Sixteen fusuma — all golden and all the work of Okyo. Upon the blinding background Okyo painted two pine trees, male and female. And in this royal surrounding he placed a pair of peacocks. One has a grave doubt whether a king — I do not care how great and rich in power he be — could cram under a crown one-tenth of the imperial airs and splendor which Okyo painted into the heavenward carriage of peacocks. Everybody who looks upon the picture wonders and sighs. You can hardly tame it, comprehend it all. Therefore it is something more than beautiful. It borders upon the sublime. It inspires within you the sentiment of adoration. However (unlike so many things sublime) it does not frighten you. IV. The Room of Bamboos. Also the work of Okyo. It is the living room of the priest in charge. The constancy of the bamboo that does not change color through fickle seasons ; its yielding tenacity never allows itself to forget the coming of spring when it will raise its head aloft again over the THEFAREAST 519 death of snow and winter; its mendicant-like purity of grace; they are all there. Charming companions of an out-of-the World. V. The Room of Agriculture. Upon sixteen fusuma in this room Goshun painted the history of rice — from the sowing and planting in the paddy field to the harvest and the gathering. With that weakness (who knows that it is not a species of vanity; do you?) of the master for the simple Goshun chose a very humble subject. Mark you, however, there is nothing vulgar about it — the theme is clean. And the master shows how the simple transforms into the great. V . The Room of Bald Mountains. By Goshun also, upon sixteen fusuma. VII. The Room of Ambassadors. Sixteen fusuma in all. It is the work of YamamotO Shurei and Kameoka Kirei. Both of them are the favored pupils of Okyo. On one side you see the warrior messenger coming into a king's castle; on the other the queen is granting an audience to the ladies of the embassy. VIII. The Room of Pups. Upon the eight fusuma Yamamoto Shurei painted all the sportive graces of pups and placed them at the foot of a plum tree. IX. The Room of Carps. Minamoto Ozui, the son of Okyo, painted the carp ascending a fall. You ought to see the life that is in the dancing fish. It is very ungracious and altogether ungrateful to pass it by with a stingy adjective, "noble." After seeing the picture you would agree with me in this. Over the toko is a pair of kakemono. Upon them are also carps. One of them is famous throughout Nippon. X. The Room of Wisteria. Minamoto Teisho painted this narrow and long room behind the main room. XI. The Room of Kamo or Wild Ducks on the second story is the work of Minamoto Ki. He has mastered the art of his master Okyo even to the smallest detail — so thoroughly that a painstaking and exacting crictic of many years study and experience can not tell his work from that of Okyo. XII. The Room of Sennin — a Tace of scholarly and miracle-working sages who dwelt in the far-away mountains, half mendicant, half Gods. It is the work Settei. XIII. The Room of Monkeys. Those eight fusuma upon which Nagasawa Rosetsu gave color to the thousand poses and a hundred move- ments of monkeys are considered to be one of the greatest works of this master. This means a great deal. It was in the middle years of Horeki (1751-1763, A. D.), in the healthy days with Okyo when his purse had not been hunchbacked from a 520 THE FAR EAST golden burden. At the time, Okyo was in Kyoto, and from his humble studio all shaded with the modesty of a great man, he was sending forth his beautiful children of the brush into the world to earn for him a few cups of rice. They were sadly lacking in business ability, those pictures of the master, but the gods blessed him with a saving sense called humor. And gratefully, he took the rare and irregular visits of scanty rice cups with a deal of cheer and that superb heroism which is peculiar to a man who knows that he is born to be a master of the future. Well, naturally Okyo was grateful for any work, however humble, that would cheat his stomach for a while. Now there was a man — so a tale runs — a man of market on Shijo-dori whose name was Nakajima Kambei, and who was an enterprising merchant in as much as he purchased a stereoscope from the Dutch for the entertainment of Kyoto streets. Now the instrument had twenty pictures which were printed from copper plates made somewhere in Europe in the dark age of her art. Kambei wished to have a number of copies of his foreign prints made. Okyo happened to be the artist to whom the job was given. Kambei was delighted with Okyo's work and so also was the public. And these are critics who forget themselves to the extent: — "The inevitable conclusion worthy of all good men's faith, is, therefore, that Okyo received all his secrets, his mastery of perspective, fore-shortening and all the rest of the methods of his nature-copy school from the Dutch prints which he copied." Now, unquestionably, the story of Nakajima Kambei is historic; his Dutch prints far from myrrh; and the incident cited here is worthy of your faith much more than a general run of a historic novel of this our critical day. In fact, the copies of Okyo were engraved on copper by Matsuda Gengen, and a large number of sheets were printed from his plates and distributed. One of them, to my own knowledge, is in the possession of Bei-sen, a Kyoto artist, whose works are very much in favor today alike with the Emperor and the newspaper. And today you can find the far children of the famous engraver on Higashi Nakadori in Kyoto in the historic shop which bears the name of its founder — Matsuda Gengen-do. All this no one has denied. But then, is it not simpler, much simpler to say, that nature fell in love with the brush of Okyo and so gave her heart to him? And then to, perhaps Kambei was a shrewd man: being a man of business acumen, he gave the work to Okyo (not to give Okyo an opportunity to learn the principles of his nature-copy school but) simply because he was the only artist in Kyoto who seemed to understand the principles of nature- copy methods, and therefore could copy the Dutch prints successfully. THE FAR EAST 521 THE AGRICULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL INTERESTS OF CENTRAL NIPPON. BY BARON MATSUOKA Minister of Agriculture and Commerce. V^^^^^HE population of our country is increasing at the rate of m Ct>\ ^aov^ 500,000 per annum. Naturally the amount of rice m I consumed by us is steadily increasing. Very naturally the ^^^&r importation of rice from abroad is higher every year although our country is an agricultural state. In the period from 1 868 to 1 903, for example, we saw that in 1 898 our importation of rice amounted in value to over 21,000,000 yen. The importation of rice reached its highest point in the period in question in 1 894, when it was valued at 48.- 000,000 yen. In a number of years we imported rice valued at more than 10,000,000 yen. But the years following 1904 show much greater, more marked increase in the importation of rice. In these years the importation of rice amounted often to 40,000,000 yen in value. War and an unu- sually bad crop in some years accounted in a measure for extraordinary excess of importation of rice, but the chief reason for the excess of importation lies in the increase of population, and the advance of living in the cities of our country. , In the central states and the south, according to statistics, there seems to be a comparatively large section of our country which is open for the improve- ment of agricultural methods. To be sure, in this section, especially the sections near about Kyoto, the provinces of Sesshu, Shiga and Hyogo, we have succeeded in developing the seri-culture and paper manufacturing in- dustries to a very great extent. It is a matter of gratification that these enterprises are energetically and consistently being developed. It is also gratifying to note that owing to the encouragement given to cattle raising, many in this section of the country have devoted themselves to the raising of stock. The territory surrounding the city of Kyoto has been famous for years for its beef. Of recent years in that section has been established a stock farm for the improvement of cattle. I hope this enterprise would prove more than satisfactory to the men who are engaged in it. As for the province of Hyogo, it has always occupied the first place as a cattle raising province, and the custom of raising cattle in general among the farmers throughout this province. It is to be regretted that in the northern provinces of our country, the cattle raising industry has not claimed sufficient attention and interest. The exportation of our agricultural and garden products have exceeded in value 3,000,000 yen per year. As an item of export, oranges and per- simmons and other fruits produced within the territory of Kyoto and Sesshu 522 THEFAREAST are exceedingly rich in possibilities. It is highly important therefore, that the men engaged in the product of such fruits should pay studious at- tention to the improvement of their products, study carefully into the methods of preventing damages by worms and other natural causes, and also look carefully to the methods of packing the fruit for export purposes. Both Osaka and Kobe are great central markets of marine products. Still there is room for improvement in the method of transportation of fish, in its transportation machinery, in the cold storage capacity, and so on. I hope that the men engaged in this business are far from being satisfied with the present showing in the command of the fish market. A word in connection with industrial activities. Owing to the change and rise in the standard of living, there is an ever increasing demand for a superior quality of goods, and for the increased quantity of such high grade articles. The needs of the people are becoming more and more complex, and they are increasing in number and in every direction. It is quite natural that this is so. In order to satisfy such demands, it is inevitable that the industrial enterprises should increase and develop. The articles manufactured both by hand and by machinery are increasing in number and in kinds; indeed there seems to be no limit as to the variety of articles that are in demand. The Germans, for example, pay special attention in applied sciences; they utilize their scientific knowledge to develop their industrial activities, especially in chemistry. In this line they seem to shine with no modest lustre. It is always true that men are fond of something new. It is in the nature of man to throw away the crude and ugly in appearance, and take to the beautiful and well made articles. For that reason the men engaged in industrial activities must not for one moment be satisfied with their present achievements. They must improve constantly. Forever they must keep on studying the new designs of shapes of articles they manufacture. According to the statement of a number of officials sent to the United States of late to investigate, it seems that they were very much mortified to see that in the matter of household goods, our products were far below the standard of ex- cellency maintained by the manufacturers abroad. Our manufactures were rough in finish and inferior in design; there was nothing new in our manu- facture. It is highly important for a man of our industrial circles to bear this in mind that the struggle of the present time is not purely competition in prices. The question of the day is not to undersell everyone competing for the market. The market of to-day is the arena wherein quality, skill and originality of design are the most highly prized elements of success. In the oriental commerce of our country, Kyoto, Osaka and Hyogo play the leading role and all of us feel that there is much to be desired. Of course the reasons why the activities of the three cities do not cover the" 11 1 THE FAR EAST 523 oriental markets to the complete satisfaction of us all, must be many. The European and American competition may be one of them, still I think there are two great reasons in the failure of the three cities in covering the oriental markets satisfactorily. The first reason is in the cheap articles they sell, and the other is that the articles are very common in manufacture and design, and there is nothing original or striking about them. The decisive element in the conquest of a market, as far as the articles of manufacture is con- cerned, is in the design. Even where the material used is just as ex- pensive as the other, even though the wages paid to the artisans are just as expensive, an article of inferior design, an article which has no distinction of a striking design cannot hope to hold its own against another which has the advantage of superior design. The industrial enterprises depend largely on the conditions and the stages through which different ideas of a country ungergo, and no one design can hope to be in favor indefinitely. Those who are struggling for supremacy in manufacturing enterprises should certainly keep this in mind, and in order to command the market skillfully, they should bear in mind that the very life and death of their wares depend on the skilful designing of them. There are many ways to advance the commercial interests of a country, but there ought to be a mutual understanding and harmonious working among different branches of industrial and agricultural activities of a country, so that one branch may be able to assist the other to advantage. A matter of prime importance with the commercial activity of our country is the proper emphasis that is to be placed upon the commercial moral- ity of our merchants. From the ancient days, the commercial integrity has not received the proper attention and respect among our merchants. In ex- treme cases there were men who declared publicly that a certain amount of misrepresentation is the usual custom with the merchant. Such looseness in business ethics among our merchants has affected the commercial activity of our country to a very great extent. The commercial integrity of our country has a vital bearing upon the prosperity and decay of our national life itself. As we all know, commerce is one of the principal machines of national economics, and the habit that some of our merchants have fallen into in look- upon the commercial honesty as a garb of the dull witted, is one of those regrettable heritages of the past from which our country has been suffering not a little. The commercial morality should not be classed with religious virtues, — perhaps it is not quite as binding and defined in its scope. At the same time, the commercial honesty must take into consideration these two principal things ; First ; the carrying out of a contract without error. Second ; in placing' weight in one's reputation, and in avoiding, intentionally or other- wise, the inferior quality of goods, and concealing the faults and defects of commercial wares. It is highly to be regretted that there are a number of our 524 THE FAR EAST merchants who are but too eager to take advantage of the neglect of others in protecting trade marks and taking out patents, and in manufacturing arti- cles which are already covered by patents under a slightly modified guise, and thereby robbing all the benefits accruing from a new invention on an article of distinct value which is not protected by patents always. These men try to rob brother merchants or manufacturers of their legitimate profits. Such ex- amples have been known in our country, and they seem to be blind to the larger interests of commercial activity, and are eager always in seizing the advantage and profits which are in front of their eyes. They are foolish. The cities of Osaka and Kobe are admitted by all to be the commercial center of our imperial country. It is here if anywhere, that the merchants should studiously promote every effort to bring about the high standard of commer- cial morality. In the commercial activity of every nation, and in every section of a country, there is always a period of prosperity, and then also a period of de- pression. Therefore the merchants who are in the business should take such matters into consideration. They should not permit themselves to lose their heart, simply because they are under a cloud for a certain period of time, or they should not stumble and fall at the very first obstacle that may be placed in their paths. Let them look forward for many years to come ; they will know through experience, that the period of depression cannot last for- ever, just as die period of prosperity cannot continue for many consecutive years. There are men who bemoan the sad fate of our commercial conditions of the present. Last year there was an enormous excess of importation, and in the month of April this year, the importation exceeded the exportation to a very great extent There are too few among these pessimists who take pains to analyze the trade conditions. Rarely do they examine the different items of importation which have brought about this excess over which they mourn. The principal articles of importation which brought about the excess of im- portation were raw cotton, wool, iron and steel, oil, sugar, machinery, and so on. Now many of these articles were imported in answer to a demand for them caused by the fever in increased industrial activities The raw materials and machinery for the manufacture of them could therefore be very well ex- plained away on this basis of an increased industrial activity of our country. This is not a commercial phenomenon we should regret. Of course the ex- treme excess of importation is to be regretted at all times, but the excess of importation which we see in our foreign trade is not caused by the importation of useless articles of luxury. Even the excess of importation in these highly essential articles such as machinery and raw materials — even they are showing, since this spring, all the signs of gradual decrease. Since the year 1898, except perhaps 1906, we have never seen our export exceeding our imports, and over this situation we have heard from many people, both among the ofB- THOMAS D. KNIGHT A member of the Taft Party to the Orient THE FAR EAST 525 cials as well as among merchants, all sorts of pessimistic forcasts, still we have seen a tremendous expansion of our country in its productive power, and we have seen little fruit of all the sad prophecies which have been uttered over the unusual and unfavorable condition and aspects of our foreign trade. Said Confucius many years ago, "The superior man does not forget danger, either in the time of peace, or in time of difficulty. Through the rise and fall in life he does not forget the time of disorder, and for this reason he possesses himself in ease, and maintains a nation." In other words, men who are mindful of disaster and of defeat, are usually among those who escape such disaster. Our nation should, by all means, increase her productive power, and to bring that about, should expand her export trade. Within, she ought to foster her industries, and thus satisfy the domestic demands, and for that reason the useless excess of import over export is a matter against which we should take serious precaution. Commerce is, after all, like war. The secret of commercial success is in knowing one's own self, and also knowing the opponent's power. It is highly important that the merchant should study as well as he is able, and mark himself thoroughly acquainted with the condition of foreign affairs, the customs of foreign countries, and the likes and dislikes of foreign markets. A RECENT INVASION OF THE ORIENT. BY THOMAS D. KNIGHT One of the members of the Taft Party to the Orient and the Republican Candidate for Gouverneur of Illinois gT the invitation of Judge Paul W. Limebarger, a former office associate of mine, who had been spending his vacation in Chicago and was about to return to his court in the Philip- pines and who kindly secured a stateroom for me, I left Chicago with my wife and son June 27th, and traveling via the Canadian Rockies and the Portland Fair arrived in San Francisco in time to join him and sail July 8th. Secretary Taft and Miss Roosevelt, together with their party consisting of a number of United States senators, congressmen and their wives, and others, were bound for Manila by the same steamer for the purpose of study- ing conditions in the Philippines and incidently to visit Hawaii, Japan and China, and were destined to receive a welcome wherever they went such as had never been given in the Orient. And so it came about that one cloudless summer afternoon we stood on the deck of the giant Pacific Mail steamer Manchuria gazing at the fast 526 THE FAR EAST receding Golden Gate, the sea gulls circling about us and a myriad of flying- fish scurrying from our pathway, while away to the west stretched a seemingly limitless waste of waters. A facetious congressman stood near by me and remarked, "You remember what Bill Nye said of Shakespeare, that as a writer he stood well. That's about the way the Pacific ocean impresses me. As a body of water it stands well." We had said "Good bye" to America. We had seen the last flutter of handkerchiefs waved by thousands of men and women who had come to the docks to catch a last glimpse of the President's daughter and the Secretary of War. Even the escort steamers with their booming guns and tooting whistles had turned back. For days we were to see no land or sail. But there was no occasion to be lonesome, for on this great ocean greyhound, one of the largest in the world, was as jolly a crowd as ever were gathered to- gether. A canvas swimming tank was erected on deck, and many a jolly swim we had, and many a frolic, splashing and diving for money thrown in fun to the swimmers and afterward turned over to the Chinese attendant. Easily the leader of the fun was Miss Alice herself, who is an expert both in diving for coins and swimming. She usually had her plunge before breakfast in the morning and was ready for another turn before supper. Parenthetically, I remark that it was a shame that the newspapers should have made so much of her harmless little prank of diving into the tank the afternoon before we reached Manila. But I suppose one of the penalties of occupying a con- spicious position is the possibility of every little act being exaggerated and distorted. Almost every evening we had a dance on deck, and one evening a sheet pillow case party, and one evening after leaving Japan and while proceeding down the east coast of Formosa, a kimono party in which the Secretary of War and the grave and reverend senators, appeared in Japanese clothes look- ing like the worst lot of misfits imaginable. The sheet and pillow case party was a huge success. About the only way one could guess die identity of anyone was by his size, and of course it didn't take a Sherlock Holmes to pick out the three-hundred pound frame of the Secretary of War. And one evening we had a breach of promise trial. The culprit was Senator Warren of Wyoming, an ideal personage for such a part, for he was die most popular widower on board, the recipient of many a languishing glance from more than one battery of eyes, owned by widows and eligible maidens. The jury was composed partly of ladies, one of whom was Miss Alice, and in spite of its august composition, I shall always consider its verdict a potent argument against putting women on juries, at least in cases of that character, for it found in favor of the more or less fair plaintiff and mulcted poor (?) Warren in damages to the tune of $10,000,000 and sentenced him to six months in the society of the jilted one. Judge Taft, THE FAR EAST 527 Judge McCall of the Supreme Bench of New York and Judge Linebarger composed the court, sitting en banc. Burr Mcintosh was the sheriff, and if anything the joshing the Senator from Wyoming received was worse then the verdict. Mr. Taft is a big man, physically and mentally, and there isn't an ounce of him that isn't saturated with kindliness, honesty and energy. He carries an enormous load of responsibility and does a prodigious amount of work. I am inclined to think that it is possible he undertakes too much for any one man, but the future will demonstrate whether or not this is true. Miss Alice is a delightful girl, very natural and not a bit spoiled. It used to be said of her father before he became president and the American people really knew him, that he was liable to act upon impulses. Perhaps this criticism was just, but his impulses were all good, and fortunately his country and the world has been getting the benefit of them. Miss Roosevelt has inherited many things from her father and could hardly be other than impulsive, but every impulsive thing she did only made her more of a favorite with those who came in daily contact with her. Had she been distant, re- served and haughty, her exalted position might easily have accounted for it. That she was none of these, but a natural, delightful girl, reflects the greatest credit upon her disposition and bringing up. While much of the public at- tention paid her was due to her position, yet her attitude was correct and friendly, her personality so winning, that to a large extent the adulation for Miss Roosevelt, the President's daughter, was replaced by sincere affection for Miss Alice, the typical winsome American girl. At Yokohama, the first port we touched in Japan, a multitude waited on the pier for her to come down the gang-plank. It was composed of mem- bers of the royal family, cabinet officials, princes, princesses and other distin- guished representatives of Japanese civilization. At the foot of the plank stood the Japanese Secretary of War, to be the first to welcome her to Japan- ese soil. , Flags were flying, rockets exploding and cannons booming. Just then a slender girl came down the gang-plank, on her arm a huge bouquet of flowers. Her step was elastic, her air confident and friendly. The applause told us that it was Miss Alice. Every American was proud of her. As she approached the Japanese potentate she extended her right hand in good American fashion for a handshake, and simultaneously down went hk head in a most profound bow, a kowtow, I believe they call it, with the result that her hand shot out away over his head. Whether she thought it funny, I don't know. You couldn't have told by her face; and soon she disappeared through the multitude with her big bouquet, Mr. Taft and the distinguished Japs followed in her wake. The various incidents of the trip of the Taft party have been duly chronicled in the press. We left them at Manila, saying good bye to many of 528 THE FAR EAST them late one night in August at Governor Wright's reception. It was a night to dream about, under a full moon with the southern cross blazing, the tropical flowers everywhere filling the air with intoxicating odors, the splendid Filippino orchestra playing two-steps and waltzes to an assemblage of men and women picturesque to the last degree Here stood an undecorated American general with that look of absolute confidence which only the soldiers of a country like ours, knowing no defeat, ever attain, beside perhaps a Russian admiral, his breast covered with ribbons and decorations, yet glad to have escaped with his battered cruisers to a neutral port. Near at hand Aguinaldo himself might be seen chatting with some "little brown brothers" while from the passing throng of dancers and promenaders might be called types of the women of all climes, the camelia complexioned blue- eyed beauties of the North, the brown-eyed and olive-skinned senoritas from Spain and the slanteyed Chinese or Japanese mestiza and the brown skinned Filippinos. The next morning we sailed for Hong Kong. Here we found a British city of Chinese inhabitants splendidly administered, its architecture English with a touch of the Orient, its harbor the most beautiful in the world, (the Bay of Naples and Nagasaki ranking next,) as a port of entry the greatest in the Orient. Owing to the insufferable heat we left in twenty-four hours by the steamer Doric for Shanghai, which we discovered to be a wonderfully picturesque Chinese city, governed by a board of European commissioners. The streets of Shanghai are full of color: Great gilded signs covered with Chinese hieroglyphics, bizarre yet artistic, flaunt themselves everywhere, domi* nating the landscape. Flowers bloom in the greatest profusion in the parks and along the bund, which is the street lining the water front. After a brief stay in Shanghai, we crossed the Yellow Sea to Nagasaki in Japan. The voyage was rendered exciting by our encountering a typhoon sea. It seems that the typhoon originates in the waters to the west of the Philippine Islands, moving slowly northward at the rate of about ten miles an hour with a ■whirling movement. The center of the whirl is calm, and the velocity of the wind increases toward the periphery. At the circumference the speed of the wind is frightful. Woe be to the sailing vessel that encounters one of these storms, and lucky they are to escape, even with the loss of spars and masts. We saw a number of them, and very much battered they appeared. While the typhoon moves at the rate of ten miles an hour, the sea is kicked up by it with the rapidity of thirty miles an hour. I never saw such waves, and have no immediate desire to see their like again. Our course led us near the Shushima straights, where a few months ago occurred the battle of the Sea of Japan. As the captain pointed out the place where this epoch making event occurred we could observe away off THE FAR EAST 529 on the horizon the swift Japanese troop ships moving toward Corea, loaded with men and ammunition for Manchuria battle fields. In the harbor of Nagazaki we saw the gun boat which picked up the ill-starred Admiral Rojesvenski immediately after his flag-ship was sunk. Through the romantic and intensely beautiful Inland Sea we sailed, pass- ing innumerable islands, terraced, verdent, mountainous, covered with growing tea and grape hung vines to their very summits. And as we glided on moon- lit nights, along the liquid pathway, out from the dusk would come the Japanese fishing boats, like ghosts and again be lost in gloom. A few days later we were sitting on the porch of the Grand Hotel in Yokohama. It was a perfect summer evening. The moon was shining over the Bay, bathing in its pale light the battleships, the great merchantmen, junks, sampans and all manner of craft. Between the strains of American airs played by a Japanese orchestra could be heard the lapping of waves at our feet, waves of the mighty ocean that at the other side of the world was laving the western coast of America. A few hundred feet away could be seen the biggest boat in the world, Jim Hill's giant Minnesota, unloading by electric light her immense cargo of railroad cars, tobacco, cotton and other staples. Up the street the Japanese lanterns festooning the tea house of the Hundred and One Steps looked as if hung in the sky; rickshaws drawn by human horses at a smart trot came and went up and down the bund, bearing men in White duck suits and gayl'y attired women. It was all so different, as indeed Japan is all so different from anything in the world, that it seemed as if we were in fairyland. We had seen the temples at Nikko and Tokio, the bronze Buddhas at Kamakura and Nara, we had visited the tea gardens and seen the geisha girls dance; and we felt as if we really knew something of this land and of its little, smiling, affable, courteous people, for had we not been three weeks in their midst? A former Chicagoan who had lived among and done business with them seven years and who spoke their language after a fashion (for no foreigner can ever hope to master it) remarked that he understood them a3 little as when he first visited them. "They don't think as we do and they don't do anything as you would expect they would," he said. "For instance, in America a judge is supposed to be chosen from the members of the bar for his experience and fitness; in Japan a term on the bench is regarded as an apprenticeship for practice at the bar. The judges are elected by competitive examination from the university and paid $600 per year. In America it is considered polite for a man to inquire after the health of his friend's wife. In Japan to do so would be an insult. An American takes his friends to his home for dinner. A Japanese gentleman resorts to a tea house with geisha girls to furnish the entertainment. The American color for mourning is black; the Japanese, white. In 530 THE FAR EAST America the family mourn when a loved one is killed in battle; in Japan it rejoices." Thereupon our friend related die following incident: "In Tokio the other day I met a Japanese gentleman on the street. He was dressed in a frock coat, silk hat, white vest and patent leather shoes. I saw at once that he was attired for some festive occasion, and so asked him what event he was celebrating. "Didn't you hear?" he replied. "I have juit received word of the death of my oldest son at Port Arthur, and am giving a garden party at the Imperial Hotel, and I want you to attend." I went over for a little while, and found a number of gentlemen all attired like my friend, drinking bumpers of champagne and clinking glasses amid a chorus of "Ban zais." Upon inquiry I found that each guest had also lost a son. I asked one who did not appear so hilarious as the others the cause of his lack of exuberance, and he replied that his boy had only died in the hospital. "This is the spirit that animates this doll-like looking race of people, a race which from appearance alone would be the last you would select for valor in war. But when you stop to consider that the daily ration of a soldier is a pound of rice, that with seven pounds of rice he is supplied with a week's provisions, which he carries in his knapsack, and therefore can subsist without a commissariat for that length of time, that in endurance he k at least the equal of any soldier in the world, that he can shoot as straight and is proud to die, you have one secret of the triumph of Japan and the humila- tion of Russia." Subsequent investigation convinced me of the correctness of my friend's observations. Indeed, one could write a book about the surprises an occi- dental meets in that beautiful land. My article is already too long, but I will record one or two before closing. The policeman on the crossing is a nobleman. He is of die Samurai, or knighthood, class. The only higher class is the Shogunate, of which the Mikado is chief. No one really needs a guide in Japan. You can get all the information you want from the "copper." He will buy your railroad ticket for you, tell you when your train leaves, for he speaks English, and probably French; he will bargain with the rickshaw man for you, and would be highly insulted if you offered him a tip. , "Alphonse and Gaston" are outdone every minute by the Jap. His talk to you, translated, would be somewhat as follows: "Oh, Magnificent One, deign to cast your glorious orbs on poor little insignificant me" etc. What he means is: You miserable foreign devil, I could kick a dozen of you." But after all, it's what he says that counts for your comfort; not what he thinks. We saw hundreds of Russian prisoners in the streets of the cities, but heard no insults hurled at them; saw no notice taken of them by the populace except good natured gazing. The Russian THE FAR EAST 531 officers were quartered in a temple at Kioto and walked die streets and visited the bazars unaccompanied and unmolested. Everybody knows that the Japs are the cleanest people in the world. When the veterans under Nogi got back to the commissary wagons, after a week spent in making the greatest forced march in history, when they went around Kuropatkin's right flank and compelled him to flee from Mukden, the first thing they asked for was bathtubs. , , .There is no illiteracy in Japan. I got into a conversation on the train to Nikko with two Jap boys, one nineteen years old and the other sixteen. Each was reading a book; one was Shakespeare in English, the other an American FouTth Reader in which was described the wonders of the United States, such as Yellowstone Park, Grand Canon and Niagara Falls. The Japanese are not a race of gamblers nor drinkers except moderately of a mild rice wine, nor are they sensual, although to our occidental eyes immoral (and one could write a book upon their morals or lack of them, perhaps, and the book, I dare say, could be made interesting enough if one could be sure of getting it through the mails) ; nor are they intemperate smokers, although men and women smoke a very mild tobacco in cigarettes and a tiny pipe; but they are essentially a race of readers, and every spare moment is spent in learning something. They lie awake nights thinking what they could do to the United States in war. They have it all planned out — how they could take the Philippines over night, wrest Hawaii from us and capture the Panama Canal. The censor allows the daily press to print these dreams to their heart's content, and yet I am convinced Japan will never fight us. I do not believe they will engage in war with any first class power for fifty years. The Japanese are very poor. The men and women who coal the ships by hand at Naga- saki are paid ten cents a day, and that is high wages for unskilled labor in Japan. Expert embroiderers and pottery-makers get 35 cents a day for work for which we would pay from $4 to $8 a day in Chicago. The recent war has been a fearful burden upon the Japanese, increasing the per capita indebtedness from $6 to $27. Modern warfare is costly business, which Japan fully appreciates. Her ambition is to capture the oriental market; and this I believe she will do, for she has some wonderful ad- vantages, such as propinquity, cheap labor and water power, for waterfalls are tumbling everywhere in Japan. In my judgment all die market we or Europe can ultimately get in the Orient will be that which Japan is unable to take care of. Our hope lies alone in her lack of capital, and for awhile until Manchuria and Korea are developed, her inability to produce raw materials in large quantities. But she can secure capital from China, and I believe in time can remedy her lack of raw materials; so, my fellow country- men, do not allow any visions of future oriental trade to obscure the substan- tial of our magnificent home market. 532 THE FAR EAST A KINDERGARTEN CLASS IN NIPPONESE. MATSUI HANA. Hal ....Yes. lie Dozo . . Please. Kudasai Give Watafyushi .... ( Mr. Anala ^ San . J Mrs. ( Miss Mizuo kudasai Give me some water Gozeno kudasai Give me a meal O-chao \udasai Give me some tea Pano fyudasai Give me some bread Gofyigeniva ifyaga d estiva1} How are you? Kon nlchitoa. Good day Kon bann>a. Good evening O-hayo. Good morning Sayonara. Good bye No. As you see, then, I have hung out a few sign boards — The study of the Nippon language is hard ; for you, more profitless than it is hard. You, of the West, why should you try to master it? You never can. What, moreover, is the use of torturing yourself with the most exquisite torment of which human ingenuity is capable — so politely excruciating is the study of our language that you would hate yourself even for entertaining a bare thought of halting a moment, once you are launched in your unfortunate study. You are going to Nippon? Very good, go, gentlemen — and when there, speak the English. If you cannot do as much, why, then, don't be modest, out with your Missouri or Montana American; that will serve you quite as well. The people of Nippon will understand you — certainly much better than the best Nipponese spoken by any foreigner. We, in the use of our tongue, depend so much on euphony. On the part of a nation whose music has been a silent bat of international mirth, this may sound a trifle humorous, — to the superior critics of the West. Nevertheless true. You talk to the Englishman in English; he is delighted. The one dominant idea that the power of English genius is compelling so remote a race as the people of Nippon to take up the study of English flatters him; he is ready to cover a multitude of sins, linguistic, on that consideration. Talk to the German, to the French in their own tongues, and you will find that both the German and the French are not a whit less appreciative of their greatness than the British. Talk to the Nipponese, in Nipponese; all will be different; not that they would frown, or say "candid" things; they are too polite for that. THE FAR EAST 533 All the same they go through a torture indescirible while they are doomed to listen to the butchery of the language of Yamato. Rhetoric is everything in the polite speech of the Nipponese; not the grammar. Strictly speaking there is no such thing as grammar at the present time. To be sure, there are a number of scholars in the Imperial University of Tokyo and some even out- side of that scholarly asylum for the strong minded, who are working to promote the prestige of the imperial land by dignifying its language with a voluminous book of grammar — to the eternal dismay of the school children, and to the disgust of those who can tell the difference between a tin horn tumult and melody. But civilization has its own tax which can never be denied. Already the effect is visible . But the kindergarten class I am about to form is to be conducted on the basis of any other charitable enterprise. Even the few simple sentences at the head of this article I fancy, will get you by the nap of the neck and make you pause, turn round and stare, as no polished period in the New Testament (King James' translation) or a brass band shoutings of Carlyle, or the prudery of Emersonian sentences ever did. In these break-neck days of business pace, this simple act of making you stop a moment in spite of yourself, is a distinct act of virtue, much more valuable than a sermon on the Mount which you never read now-a-days. While the study of the Nipponese itself is of little value, it cannot be de- nied that the study about the language is full of grace. Years ago, Sir Edwin Arnold came to us haloed with the fame of the au- thor of the "Light of Asia." It was his first visit to Nippon. The Imperial Uni- versity honored itself by inviting the distinguished guest to talk to the boys. The opening remark of his speech was strange ; I was a mere boy, then ; now it is an ancient history — since then two great wars have been fought in the Far East, and many suns have been born and buried — still I recall to-day, as it were a remark of yesterday, what he said. The reason which made him wish to pay our country a visit, he said, was not the wonder tales told him, the quaint charms of life so strikingly different from the Western mode of life; not the works of art which overshadowed the masterpieces of European art at the great museums of the world; it was not even the peerless beauty of Mt. Fuji and the scenic wonders of its homeland. No, and you can hardly guess it. He went on to say: — The chief and the greatest reason which induced him to take the trip was a little book, a thin little book in the humblest of covers, without the slightest pretension in its makeup and garb. One day, in his London office, he found it upon his desk ; it was a grammar — a Japanese grammar! The novelty of it all, tempted him to open the book. What he read therein amazed him. There is — so said the grammar — no im- perative mood in the language of Nippon. I /Tf 534 THE FAR EAST A race of over thirty millions of people ; a nation which has lived long en- ough to see the cradle and the grave of Greece, of Rome, the Empire of Char- lemange and Mahomet and Ghenghis Khan, a people who can boast of having the oldest dynasty existent to-day upon their throne — a race of people, in short, which has lived through twenty-five centuries, and has not felt the need of an imperative mood in its speech! To Sir Edwin, this was much more wonderful than the miracles of a prophet, or a vacant office running after a politician. It was this, he told us, that he came his far way to see. Sir Edwin was right in a sense ; we have had no imperative mood — in the sense of expressing command. Imperative mood expressing entreaty and ex- hortation, we have always had. "Give me some water" is in the imperative mood in English. Its Nippon equivalent — "Mizuo k^asat' being literally interpreted runs, "Some water, deign to lower or bestow." Language is the garment of national thought. A simple fact that a race can get along, aye did, as a matter of history get along without feeling the least inconvenience for five and twenty centuries without an imperative mood of speech speaks well for its temper. Before the incoming of the Western ideas levelled us with the civilized, the entire country of Nippon was without the single statue — save the tombs in the cemetery. But the utter lack of the imperative mood in our speech was, even at a bargain counter of international self advertisement, worth all the historic bronzes of Europe. Said Sir Edwin also: — Your jinrikisha men and coolies — even at a treaty port such as Yokohama — speak in a language fit only for the Court of Louis XIV. This also is true, "Master, honorably deign to mount the car!" they would say. Everywhere in all ages of the history, there were and are men and women who are cultured, to the manner born. Can you, however, name many countries where the gentle culture of civilization has penetrated clean down to the lowest stratum so that even the puller of carts speaks in the language which would be perfectly at home in the Court of Louis the Great? If the language of a race is the garment of its thought, then, like the He- brews of the days of Isaiah, or the children of the Homeric days, the national thought of Nippon is clothed — literally clothed in poetry. Take the last expres- sion I hung out as one of the sign boards at the head of this article ; sayonara. Translated it is simply good-bye. Now "God be with you" is a gracious^ kindly sentiment. Is it as poetic as "If it must be" which is the literal translation of "sayonara." At the parting, it has been said, the friendship comes to flower. THE FAR EAST 535 SANGATUS SAKURANO SAKUJIBUN.* A Love Story of Nippon. BY ADACHI KINNOSUKE. V^foa^.^ HE beginning of it all was on a dream of a fete day of the m £"*\ sangatsu sakurano sakujibun. That, as you know, is also the ^^ 1 season when some other kind of flowers open. And it came ^^^l^r to pass in the dovetail work of Providence, there by the shrine of Ujigami, that they met for the first time, Hosoi Shizuma and Yone. They were as young as the year. But those were the days — now so old — when the hearts of people flowered, like mume, very early in the year. There was one thing which was not very kindly to them ; for that was the time when the chonin (man-of-market) was classed, in the contempt of the public, just above the eta (the pariah) ; and wealth did not serve, as it does to-day, for the men of lower birth and humbler intellect as their balloon. An old adage in Nippon: "Mind and money do not go together!" And Yone — for Fate is ever jealous of the fair — was a daughter of a chonin. And Hosoi was a samurai. And Love — why, he has no caste at all. And that is just where the trouble came. II. At home, when they were back from the fete, Yone's father said to her mother : "What a handsome man-of-hue he is getting to be — die young master of Hosoi, I mean. Almost as fine a fellow as your husband was when you mar- ried him, wife?" "Hum!" A pause — then she said : It's just that way with that blood-stained family of Hosoi. Their fine looks are not deeper than their skin, and you would say that they are Buddhas. But don't talk to me ! Ghouls, demons, that's what they are, I tell you!" In order to understand her, you ought to know a few things. About two generations before this — when samurai used to call their swords "souls" — Yone's grandfather on her mother's side, touched the sword of Hosoi's ancestor. The samurai saw that it was intentional. Now, a touch of a chonin was thought to be the worst stab on the purity of a samurais sword. The samurai * Copyright 1908, by Adachi Kinnosuke. 536 51 THE FAR EAST was, perhaps, the most sensitive being under the sky, and he could no more stand the stain of that type on his sword than a high-spirited woman the loss of her virtue. The result was that the sword of Hosio's forefather was washed in blood at once, on the very spot. They talked some more, the parents of Yone. Yone listened. III. "An impossible case!" mused Hosoi in his study. "Impossible?" Love has no such word in his vocabulary: so he danced in Hosoi's eyes and just laughed at him. As for Yone, she prayed Musubino-Kami in particular, and all the other eight million gods in general. And why should not all the gods and Buddhas help her? To be sure, it was no small thing that she was asking of the divine. Let a man jump over — in those days, I mean — the wall between the samurai class and chonin! If he succeeds, then let him try next to leap over the moon ; and I am sure that he will find the latter the easier of the two. But Yone thought — very properly, too — that the gods and Buddas were made for that sort of thing. When, therefore, her faith in the omnipotence of the deities was thoroughly established in her heart, and the doubt as to the success of her love affair was a mere cloud of yesterday, there came a pair of large tears into her eyes, bright and pure as her hope; and a star stealing through the fissure of the amado fell into them and turned them into wedding jewels. The night was far advanced. Through her tears looking at the star — she was sure it was her guardian star — she smiled, on her lonely bed. Oh, never in all her days had she been so lonely as on that night. She fell asleep. In her dreams, however, she was not alone. IV. Scarce four months later. By the sea : "I can but worship you from afar." "Hush, Yone! My lotus-faced girl is as pure and white and noble as Fuji-yama. A Buddha should worship her, since she is too good for the adoration of mortals." "Oh, no! I dare not ask for too much. Let me see you now and then — I won't come too close to you. For, do you know, whenever you smile on me as sweetly as you are doing now, I am afraid that the gods will punish me for being too happy." "What nonsense!" The twilight was falling upon them, and the moon was weaving a curtain of silver muslin with the sea fog. THE FAR EAST 537 V. "Something the matter with her; I'm dead certain of that!" said the tradesman's worthy wife in one of her prophetic moments. "But what colour do you make out your fox to be, wife?" "Love foolishness, my dear!" "Well, I'll be " It was very plain to see, and no wonder! She could not hide anything, the blushing neophyte! She made eyes at the flowers in the garden, without knowing it ; and a note of a nightingale made her quiver. There was a terrible confusion in the tradesman's house one night. A fire broke out not very far from it. The mother sought her daughter in her room. There was something there that made the mother forget the fire. The bed was spread on the soft matted floor, to be sure, but it was empty as a cicada's shell. Some time afterward: "Daughter, my daughter, where in the world have you been? You!" cried her mother, when suddenly she came upon Yone in a dense cloud of smoke, some distance from the burning house. Yone stammered out that she had fled at the very first alarm of fire. In her excitement she had forgot to arouse the house before she left it. Aye! But there was too little sign of disorder in her toilet and dress. But a woman! — has she ever forgot her appearance under any circumstances? VI. Yone shrieked. But what really happened to her was that she fell into her mother's arms, that was all — nothing so terrible in that, surely! But the time and the place justified her hysteria. It was after midnight, and she was climbing half way up the bamboo fence near the back door of her house. Her parents could get nothing out of Yone. Oh, they punished her, coaxed her, threatened her, and all that — in vain. To the great surprise of Yone, her parents allowed her full freedom. There is something ticklish in that sort of liberty — that is to say, to those who are world-wise. And Yone, simple as she was, did feel rather uncomfortable. But what could she do? Youth, poetry, passion were her masters, and they are the greatest cynics on earth, who laugh at all precautions. "What must he be thinking of me — of my absence?" was her thought, her only thought, night and day. 538 THE FAR EAST VII. "Doubted? Oh, no! How could I, and live?" "Oh, my poor, poor lord! Your pain was cruel, so cruel, I know!" "But what a paradise after the torment!" The voices were quick, passionate; nevertheless, they were those of de- votees who worshiped. One might have said that the lovers but articulated the wild music of their heart-throbs. That was the only thing which Yone's father, who played a spy on his daughter, could catch distinctly that night. The rest was the sweet wedding of murmurs, like a concert of sighs. On his way home, Hosoi did not know that he had an escort. The young samurai, masked, disappeared through a wicket. His escort remained out in the night. There where he stood, ten thousand shadows of the universe tumbled down in a heap about him. He outraged the solemnity, which was neither of man nor of things, with his' antics. His gestures were monstrous. As for his facial expressions, they were far more hideous, as ugly as the ugliest children of imagination, because one could not see them, and had to guess at them. When you remember what Hosoi's ancestor had done to that of his wife, do you wonder that the poor man-of-market lost his head when he found that his daughter's lover was a Hosoi? VIII. One corner of the dozo (a thick-walled godown) of the chonin, on the following day, was turned into a Spanish cloister of the sunless days of the Inquisition. Yone's arms were fastened at her back; and the hemp rope had no heart. It was flung across the horizontal beam over her head, and its free end was wound about a cylindrical roller turned by a crank. "Consent, will you?" shrieked her mother, savage as a tigress. At the obstinate silence of her daughter, she turned the crank. The girl was suspended in the air, her toes barely touching the earthen floor. The entire weight of her body, therefore, was on her twisted arms. Oh. they billowed, twitched, and twisted in the paroxysm of pain, those exquisite lily arms of hers! There were no tears in her eyes, into which blood rushed in tongues of fire. There is something of a martyr in every woman. Yone had a great deal of it. Her black hair fell in a huge, unconfined mass, full of light, upon her snow-pale face. One might have said that heaven's penman had spilt some ink on the pale book of death. Not quite eighteen, with the features which looked like the composite photograph of poet's dreams — in short, nature's aristocrat! Many (and surely Hosoi was one of them) who had seen this refined bloom on the coarse stalk of a tradesman's family, had felt as if they had found a chaste lily where they had looked for a tadpole. THE FAR EAST 539 It is true that time and again faint groans escaped her as the rope tightened ; her features twisted also. But her stoicism was Buddha-like. "You filthy beast, you! Will you consent — yes or no?" cried her mother, more furious than ever. "Will you — yes or no? Answer? Why don't you answer me? You unclean thing!" The crank turned with a fearful sound, like that of the smashing of bones. The plan which Yone's mother proposed, and for the execution of which she demanded the girl's consent, was this: Yone should keep the appointment on that very night ; allure her lover to the very verge of the cliff where there was a stool-like rock, and, in the midst of her love-making, step behind him and lean on his shoulders — a common attitude with the Japanese lovers — and then suddenly push him violently down the abyss. All of a sudden, the girl who had been so stoical and stone-like, gave way. She consented. On the following conditions: That she should be allowed to leave her lover on the verge of the precipice or make him walk to it himself; and that her mother, instead of herself, should push the young man over. It was her mother, she argued, who should take revenge on the offspring of the murderer of her grandsire. Was it not cruel enough punishment for Yone to witness the fearful death of her lover? It was agreed that Yone should make her lover walk to the edge of the rock under the pretext of spying a boat, and then her mother should step out softly from her bidding place in a little cove close to the verge, and dash him down the chasm. IX. The moon was red, and, like a ripe fruit, was falling into the silver plate of the sea. Hosoi watched it from the shore, by the cove. He was dream- ing sweetly, just like the moonlit sea at his feet; but his feelings were full of strange, restless thrills, just like the sea. He did not wait there very long that night. "Are moshi!" with which Yone threw herself at his feet and clung to his sleeves. No passionate embraces were exchanged — for the hand of culture is very strong in Japan — even upon the fever heat of love. "Listen, Yone; to-morrow at the usual hour . . . will that suit you? I have arranged everything with my old nurse. We will be married at her house." "Oh, but " "Now, Yone, you have promised me never to use that expression." 540 THE FAR EAST "But what will become of you — you a samurai, and marry a daughter of a chonin! Think of the anger of your father; your mother would die of tears!" "Oh, you have been telling me that for these three months!" Of course Hosoi was immovable. The plan which he proposed, and which at last, after many long protests, she accepted, was this: They would be married the following night. And then, immediately after the ceremony, they would leave the town and find a little cozy corner in a mountain village far away — what a dream of a happy cottage home that would be for them! "I will gather all the wild flowers you want, Yone. Ah ! how I will en- joy chopping wood for our own hearth!" laughed Hosoi. Their future, to him, was a perfect pastoral. Then the girl sobbed. Had Hosoi known how heroically she had forced back those sobs! He could hardly believe his own ears. He took the drooping face of the girl in his hands. "What, tears!" But he could not imagine the cause of it, unhappy Hosoi. Silencing his questions. Yone said to him : "This is our last night at this dear place, our tryst. And then, too, I am too happy. I can't contain myself. You see I have resisted my weak- ness for some time. I could not stand the idea that I was to degrade you. But I feel that I can resist it no longer — forgive me, will you not? I am ready to do a very great penance for this' Ob, I am too happy: too much bliss gives me tears!" And Hosoi, as is so often the case with lovers — supreme egoists that they are ! — allowed himself to be deceived. "Let us have the sweetest time here to-night, for we may not come back to this place again. Come!" she said, and through the dusk looked up to h;s face. And the stars fell into her tears. "Will you do me one sweet deed?" "What is that, Yone?" "Call me your own wife — just once." "My wife? Why, my darling, precious wife! My own!" "That is the sweetest thing I have ever heard," she murmured softly, dreamily, as if to herself. Some more tears came into her eyes. ' The hours — so sweet for Hosoi ; very sad for Yone — flew like wings. "Will you condescend to do me another favor to-night?" THE FAR EAST 541 "If you but speak, Yone, you may be sure that your lover hears a com- mand of a queen." "Condescend, then, to lend me your sword, Hosoi-san — just one of them." "My sword? What do you mean, Yone? My sword?" "Yes, your haori (over garment) and mask also." "Why, of course! But tell me first, will you not, what use you may find for them! Forgive me for saying so, but there is something strange in your ways to-night. I can't help but notice it." She laughed a merry little laugh — that was her only reply. One may say of it, "What a superhuman heroism!" But really, that is no word for it. And yet, you hear a man say that a woman is a coward. After a little while, seeing that her lover was not quite satisfied, she reas- sured him: "Oh, nothing — nothing specially!" with that brave mastery over herself which duped Hosoi completely. "You see, the moon has gone and the roads are dark to-night. If one should see that I am a samurai, I certainly would be safer, don't you think?" "Allow me to accompany you then." "Oh, no! If ever we were to be found together!" "But * "Ah! kochino hito, did you not swear on that very sword of yours that you would never deny anything to me? And now, at the very first thing I have ever asked of you " For a samurai to part with his sword, that certainly was an extraordinary thing. But was he not ready to die for her any time, and just to satisfy her whims even? And, after all, is Love ever so happy as when he is called upon to make some heroic sacrifice? He consented. Then she urged him to return ahead of her that night. She wanted to pray to the gods of the sea by herself, after he was gone. All appeared reasonable to Hosoi. Then the farewell. Her eyes, half closing in transport, as if she were for an instant peeping into heaven, in spite of the bitter tears which moistened them ; and that smile of hers that stole over her face — the face which was feeling the last caress of Hosoi's eyes on this earth. They say that an atom of pleasure snatched from the very chaos of pain, like a drop of cold water on the lips of the burning, is the most exquisite. And the most exquisite pleasure was hers, poor girl ! As for Hosoi, who was as utterly ignorant of the situation as the rock by his side, he laughed inwardly at the stupidity of the Chinese emperor who had 542 THE FAR EAST hunted pleasure through the forest of flesh, over the lake of wine, and through the scented boudoirs of three thousand women. "Augustly return home, safely!" said the girl. The young man hesitated a moment, without knowing just why. Yone was at his feet once more. There was something in the expression of the girl which was more than enough to make the reputation of the most ambitious artist. X. The ghost-like sea fog dropped a curtain between them. She confined her huge mass of hair into his mask, and donned his haori. She threw away her enormous obi (girdle) and gathered her dress with her under sash. She thrust into this the sword — to die with the "soul" of her be- loved at her side ! It gave her colourless lips their last smile. Then she rose. But she fell again upon the sands where her lover had sat, and caressed the spot. And, as if she were struck with a bright idea all of a sudden, she took off the mask and let down her hair and gathered it with her left hand over her nape. Then she unsheathed the sword with her right, and drew the razor-like sheen through the dark mass, like a nun shaving her head when she renounces the world. She dug a little grave in the sandy spot which she had caressed with her bosom. In it she buried her hair. Freely, this time, for there was none by her side from whom she should conceal her emotions, she watered the grave with her silent tears. In order that, perhaps, the seed which she had buried might spring up, flower, and bear fruit in a kinder day — in the garden of her lover's memory land. Failing to find her at his nurse's house, Yone was sure that Hosoi would come there the very next night — and — "If he would wait for me in vain, and in my stead find my hair ; if he would hear in the tiding of winds of my death (she thought)? If he would come to me to join me, would I not welcome him, oh, with what outbursts of joy ! And will I not make him happy in that shadow-entangling world, as in this?" Nevertheless, with that transcendental logic of women : "May he live long and happily," was her last prayer. Again she wept over that sacred spot wherein she had buried the glory of her youth. She covered her head in the mask again and wandered out of the cove, almost lifeless, all in a dream. She climbed the steep slant of the rocky ledge stoopingly, with her hand on the hilt of the sword, so that the end of the scabbard might protrude from under the over garment and attract her mother's attention. i i '•■ , ' i iv.; $. "'1 THE FAR EAST 543 As soon as she reached the top of the ledge she made as long strides as she could. Happily, her height was not much lower than her lover's, and the stool-shaped rock was within a few paces. She sunk down upon it. She stared into the abyss below. A moment. And she was knocked from behind with such violence that she was robbed of her breath. She heard the blood-curdling shriek above her head: "My family's foe; my daughter's tempter!" How completely was the mother revenged! — on the verge of the cliff, smiling hideously over the abysmal grave of that shameless wretch, Hosoi Shizuma — as she thought. Before the echoes of her voice woke from the rock walls there came to her, mingled with the thunders of the waves storming the reefs below, accompained with the groans, laughters, and melodies of the mysterious, a voice — a human voice, — a woman's voice! It said: "Farewell, mother! — Farewell!" Her own daughter's voice! She reeled. Burning from the fire of her emotion and freezing from the ice of dread, almost at the same time ; there she was, the mother ! What an awful pendulum swinging over the verge of insanity with heaven and earth in huge eruption before her eyes ! All at once a sweet, strange thought came to the stricken mother — as it does so often to a person in a spout of emotional excitement. The demon of the cliff was playing a trick on her! So she turned to th Tg ^ Bl Undoubtedly the most important work on Korea and Japan, as far as their present relation! are concerned, that has been brought out. Professor Ladd had, through his relations with Marquis Ito, very exceptional facilities for personal observation in Korea, and unprecedented opportunities for obtaining inside information and accurate knowledge as to the past and present conduct of J&pan __ and her present intentions. Much hitherto unpublished material was placed in his hands enabling him to estab- lish beyond reasonable doubt the truth about certain matters which he discusses in his book. The book is partly the account of pe sonal experience described in a readable and interesting way, and in part a serious first hand ditcussion of a weighty political problem, and it is consequently of interest both to those who waDt nicely a surface picture of conditions and to those who want to study the problem seriously. No one can, in the future. write hist' ry of these events or discuss them with author- ity, without making himself familiar with the views and conclusions of Prof, Ladd in this book. ' Written inc books fith great care. It is one of the most in- n the East that has jet been published. - Philadelphia Inquirer. "It cannot fail to be of interest" -King and present King of Kc -Louisoille Courier-Journal. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS A New Book on Travels in the Far East. 55to Waters mh (fyzmi BY F. DUMONT SMITH BEAUTIFUL CLOTH BINDING, $1.50 46 full-page Illustrations INCLUDING THREE CARTOONS BY ALBERT T. RE1D This is an instructive and intensely interesting story of what Senator Smith saw and heard last year on his trip to Hawaii, Manila, japan and China. CRANE & COMPANY Publishers, Topeka, Kansas ^^^^O THOSE who wish to own works of ^^ J unquestioned authority on the Far East — an opportunity: X 1 m N Korea with Marquis Ito. By Prof. George Trumbull Ladd, Prof esse; of Philosophy, Yale University, [477 pages. Illustrated), - - $2.50 r rAKENING of China. lu Prof. W. A. P. Martin, for over Twemy ars President oj the Peking University, rfusely Illustrated) HE FAR EAST, For One Year, - OUR SPECIAL COMBINATION OFFER, $3.80 $3.00 $930 $8.50 WO for almost the price of One. The most exhaustive history of the Russo-Japanese War from the Russian side: V^vHE Tragedy of Russia in Pacific Asia. ^^ J By Frederick McCormick, the Associated Press ^^■i^^ Correspondent with the Russian Army. Two large volumes, profusely illustrated with photo- graphs and drawings by the author, and maps, - - - $6.00, net PAP? PA^T For One Year, A r\l\ CnO 1 Renewal Subscription, - $3 00 $9.00 fti OUR SPECIAL OFFER FOR THE TWO, $7.50 m OST OF our subscribers began with the first is of the Magazine. Your subscription will expire with the issue for September. Send us NOW $7.00 and we shall place in your hand a vivid story of the war, which will remain as standard, and another year of the FAR EAST free. ^]| This offer is open to those who subscribed with later numbers. Send us $7.00 and we shall send the books and extend your sub- scription one year from the time of expiration. VOL. I. SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER, 1908 No. 12, Count Okuma on the Change of the World's At- tidude Toward Nippon Since the War. Autobiography of Prince Ito Hir- obumi Yoshida Shoin, the Schoolmaster of Prince Ito. An Inner Story of Canton -Hankau Railway. The Korea of To- day. The New East Jn the Making \ s>ffife> J HE change in the sentiment of our foreign friends towards df C~\ Nippon is a matter that should claim a serious consideration. ^^ I There was something striking, almost astonishing in the friendly ^^^1^^ sentiment which Nippon enjoyed among her foreign friends an the opening days of the Russo-Nippon war. Everybody knew that Russia was a great and mighty nation. Since Peter the Great for two centuries, Russia had enjoyed the reputation of being the great military power of Europe. Against this great country which had been looked upon as the military dictator of Europe, Nippon rose in arms. It was a daring essay on the part of Nippon, bordering almost on the reckless. All the world thought that in the end we would be defeated. Many of them thought that in the first brush of conflict we might have a few victories but in the end they looked upon the defeat of Nippon as inevitable. They believed in this. Not only they but Russia herself believed in this firmly. Therefore all the friends that Nippon had abroad, and who were violently pro-Nippon, were by no means confident of the final victory of Nippon. Even among the most enthusiastic friends of Nippon there were many who looked upon the final outcome with trepidation and many a misgiving. In spite of it all, it cannot be gainsaid that one and all they prayed for the victory and success of her arms. There was a reason for this, which was not entirely unselfish. The states of Europe at one time or another had all suffered either directly or indirectly, from the conscious or almost subconscious tyranny of the militant Russia. They did not like it, and at the same time they seemed to be powerless to break or minimize the military prestage of Russia. Indeed there was something great in the power of the Tsar. To the Kaiser, even Bis- mark, in France, Austria, in all other states of Europe, every nod and every smile of the Tsar were a matter of considerable importance which com- manded a serious scrutiny. One and all they had suffered from either the expressed or implied threat of the military might of Russia. They had always looked upon Russia with an eye of suspicion. Even in Germany, confident and proud of her military achievements, Russia has always inspired a degree of uneasiness that was not at all flattering to her self-respect. This was eminently true in Austro-Hungary, in the Balken states and in Turkey too apparent for comment. Even in England, also. Under the circumstances it was not unnatural that so many peoples in Europe, deep down in their hearts, prayed for the victory of Nippon on that day when a comparatively insignificant power on the far off edge of the Pacific dared to rise in arms against the might of Russia. 576 THEFAREAST The war began. With every battle, victory perched upon our banners. Seeing this our ally, England, and our friend who is not a whit less friendly than our ally herself — the United States of America — looked upon the achievements of Nippon arms with satisfaction. Their enthusiasm knew no bound. From the way they proclaimed their pleasure and approval over the victory of Nippon, one would have supposed that they were at war and the victories were theirs. In those days not only America and England but many other countries all over the world really believed that the victory of Nippon spelled the coming of a happier day. The defeat of Russia and the crushing of the military despotism in Europe, they thought, did much for the peace of the world, for the advancement of civilization. This was true in an especial manner with our British and American friends. Both England and America had had no small interest in the destiny of the Far East. They had been unhappy over the tremendous expansion of Russian power in the Far East. They looked upon the ever growing power of Russia in the Far East with dread. To cite one proof out of many there is the famous circular letter sent out by the Secretary of State of the United States, under President McKinley's administration and which called for the open statement from different powers of the world on the preservation of the integrity of the Chinese Empire — now famous as the "Open door Policy." Moreover the Anglo-Nippon alliance which had been formed proclaimed its position on the two important points of the preservation of Chinese Empire and the open door policy. From these it is apparent that both England and America were solicitous to save the great market of the world called China from the domin- ance of military Russia. They did not like the idea that Russia should sweep down and close the Chinese market against all other traders but her own. Like the two friends, Nippon also advocated the preservation of the integrity of China and the open door policy as applied to the markets of China. So stood the situation at the beginning of the Russo-Nippon conflict. It was the Manchurian land that gave birth to the war. Naturally the countries which took the greatest satisfaction in every report of Nippon victory by land and sea were the two countries, England and America. On the European continent the satisfaction over the Nippon victories was not voiced quite as openly, still there were indications to show that the Nippon victories over Russia were not displeasing to a number of powers of Europe. Take for example, Germany. She values the Chinese market exceedingly well. Ger- many, however, is placed in such a position that it is impossible for her to antagonize Russia in Europe. Therefore it was impossible for her to make external demonstrations of satisfaction over Nippon victories. Still it cannot be denied that certain elements in Germany were highly gratified at the Nippon victory. Speaking of the world at large it is safe to say that the THE FAR EAST 577 Nippon victory was welcomed with a hearty enthusiasm. It seemed, indeed, that at the time the differences of race, of religion, the historic difference be- tween the East and the West were completely obliterated from the minds of men. One thing uppermost in the minds of the people of the West seemed to be that they took pleasure in discovering so singular a race as the Nipponese. They took pleasure in recognizing the people of Nippon as a great nation. Such was the sentimental attitude of the world scarcely two years ago. The names of Admiral Togo, Field Marshall Oyama, General Kuroki and Gen- eral Nogi were shouted the world round. So popular indeed were these great names that the enterprising merchants of the West incorporated them into their trade-marks, put them upon the labels of their goods. Innumerable tokens of appreciation in the form of treasures were showered upon Admiral Togo according to the reports of the Jiji. That was the time when Nippon commanded the sympathies of the world and the world seemed to recognize Nippon as the sovereign power of the Orient. One and all these, our western friends, believed that Nippon would do much in the preservation of peace in the Far East, in guaranteeing the integrity of China, that she would take China by the hand and lead her out into the full light of civilization and ex- pected confidently that she would do a great deal for the sake of China and also work for the general profit of the world at large, and for the cause of humanity. But scarce two years or at most two and one half years have passed and what changes have taken place in the sentimental attitude of the world toward Nippon! This should command the deepest attention of us all. There must be a cause, a reason for the change. There must be several reasons for the change. In enumerating such causes one may say that it comes from envy; another may say that it springs from misunderstanding. These are unques- tionably two of the main causes which brought about the change. There seems to be still another, a still greater reason, but of that we shall not speak here. Let us examine into die two principal causes mentioned. Whence this western envy toward us? Whence the sense of suspicion with which the west began to look upon every action of our country? It is natural that popular and sentimental enthusiasm which rose to a very high point suddenly should, as the time went by, decrease gradually. In their calmer moments the western people came to see that the rise of Nippon meant a tremendous stimulus to China, and the awakening of China meant the rise of the Orient land which homes over half the population of the world. The western people naturally thought that the Chinese would go to school to Nippon in everything, and once the Chinese army would be organized and tutored by the Nippon brain, there would arrive upon the world's stage a factor which is terrible in its power. So it will be with India, with Turkey, even with Persia ; for once the Orientals learn to look down upon the Europeans 578 THE FAR EAST there will come to pass a state of things that would be stupefying beyond imagination. The Oriental market which the Europeans, through their toils of four hundred years, had opened and their prestige in the East which they gained at no small expenditure, all these would disappear on one single morning. This dread and the feeling of jealousy toward the newly risen power gave birth to such utterly erroneous propaganda as the "yellow peril." At the same time the military efficiency of Nippon compelled the recog- nition of the world, and the western people argued at once that just as the people of Nippon attained the high efficiency of their arms, so in the time of peace they would succeed in developing their commerce, their merchant marine and their manufacturing interests. They also argued that on such a day when Nippon shall have attained the height of her commercial development she would rob the states of Europe of their markets in China and in India. Naturally the sense of envy toward Nippon arose on the part of the western peoples. This unquestionably is one of the reasons of the sudden change of the sentimental attitude of the West toward Nippon. There is another thing — misunderstanding. And whence comes this misunderstanding between Nippon and her friends? It comes from the difference of blood; from the fundamental differences in their ethical views. The Europeans look upon the people of Nippon as utterly different from the white race. In governmental institutions, in customs and ethics Europeans recognize the principles of Christianity. Christianity is ,tbe basis of every- thing. The people of Nipon are different and therefore they argue they are an inferior race, an inferior nation. Also, and very naturally, they think that the morality of the Nippon people is very much inferior than that of the European race. They look down upon the people of Nippon as tricky, as low, as an inferior race. Especially low on the scale of civilization. The West goes on to say that the Nippon people possess a high degree of military efficiency but because they have won battles they have become conceited, vain. Before the war, the attitude of the people of Nippon was exceedingly polite toward the European and American races but after the war that has changed. They have become proud and in some cases seem to look down upon the Europeans. Such is the attitude of the western mind and such is the begin- ning of all the misunderstandings. Arguing upon these lines the western peoples thought that simply because Nippon has been triumphant in the late war she must, conceive a great ambition she must in the end invade China. The provision on the part of the Nippon people to respect the "Open Door Policy," in China is a simple political move. ( To be continued ) CHARLES DENBY American Consul-General at Shanghai, the most important post in the consular service. Ap- point e d by Mr. Root (rem the Department of State where he held a prominent position- Mr. Denby was reared in China and speaks the language. He is the son of the late Hon. Charles Denby, Minister to China for many years, and has himself acted as Charge a" Affaires. THE FAR EAST 579 AMERICAN CONSULS IN THE ORIENT. BY JOSEPH W. RICE. '***£^^^*J HERE is now pending before Congress a Bill, inspired by the M C~"\ State Department, providing for a thorough reform of the ^^ J Consular Service of the United States. The general subject ^^^gg^r of reform in the Consular Service has recently received a con- siderable share of attention from Mr. Root, who evidently shares die opinion of American travellers and residents in the Orient that the American Consular service as at present organized and constituted does not attain the high standard of efficiency and merit which is reached by the consular organizations of Great Britain and Germany, or even of some of the smaller European states. It may be pointed out that this inadequacy in the Consular Service affects American prestige and status in the Orient with more peculiar force than other territorial zones for the reason that Exterritoriality prevails throughout the East, and the consul — a mere ministerial officer in Europe and elsewhere charged only with the most perfunctory duties — is here invested with judicial powers, and all those quasi-diplomatic and administra- tive functions which accompany the extraterritorial status of the citizens of a Western /nation. Hence the American consular official appointed to serve in the Orient should possess a greater range of versatility sufficient to conquor more varied duties than those which fall to the lot of consuls assigned to other parts of the world. Probably there are in the modern world no communities where artificial standards of life prevail to so thorough-going an extent as in the "foreign" communities dwelling in the East. Under the influence of material plenty amounting to luxury, hordes of servants, divorced from the higher ambitions of life at Home, lacking family ties and the inducements and consequent in- terest of the permanent settler, and with a vast underlying native population watchful and appreciative of appearances and understanding little else, but whose favor and respect for commercial purposes it is necessary to win, it is not to be wondered at that factitious ideals become all-pervading. As con- ducive to the same result, let it be remembered that in the East as nowhere else all the world is represented in approximately true proportion. Each civilized nation sends its quota — each nationality jealously watching but not always comprehending aught save the external things of the others. Hence the exaltation and manifest paramount importance of appearances in the East, and the rule of conduct there prevailing which requires that at all costs "face" must be saved. Into such communities is inducted the American consul. He is usually appointed directly from political or business life in the United States. He knows nothing about the East — cares nothing for its ideals and standards, for 580 THE FAR EAST which he often has an undiplomatic, if common sense, contempt which he is at no great pains to conceal. He is pervaded with American home thoughts and notions, and the rule of life there obtaining. "Making the eagle scream," that innocent Home amusement, but one which it is politic to confine within our own borders, to him seems a wise and beautiful pastime. Mayhap, even, he may possess a virile contempt for the innocuous dresssuit. In short, not only is he a greenhorn, but he is a stubborn greenhorn, — he will not learn. The part which the interest of his country demands he should play in consular or quasi-diplomatic functions is poorly sustained. He makes a bad appear- ance, is sometimes shabbily dressed, can converse only in his own tongue, is shy of foreign ladies (or they are shy of him), is unused to his surroundings and shows it. The natural result follows. He retires to the background. Other consular representatives of puny European powers, possessed of the social initative and ease which he lacks, take up the position which his country through him should occupy, and shine with meretricious but none the less useful brilliance. It may be thought that the status achieved in European social life in these ports is more or less unimportant, so long as our consular re- presentative upholds his dignity amongst the people to whom he is officially accredited. But his position with the latter is directly influenced by his status in the former community. The question often is not what he is, but what he seems to be. The Indian or the Chinese understands best what he sees. From the appearance of power, importance and dignity that he sees displayed on small occasions, he passes a posteriori to a false conception of real power and importance. And Just to the extent that the native is thus in- fluenced and misled, to that extent has the American Consular representative failed to accomplish the gist and purpose of his appointment. The inter- American sneer at the un-American "airs'* assumed by his consular colleagues is futile. It should always be borne in mind that while the means may be artificial, the end always kept in view is substantial. National dignity as displayed in the public purview acts directly on commerce. The story of the "old-fogey" American consul in the Orient who personally performed manual labor in moving his household furniture from one dwelling to another, thus reducing himself in the eye of the native to the level of a "coolie" illus- trates the harm that may be done by the lack of a clear conception of this consular representatives and offered the doer's country as a butt for inter- truth. Here a single inapt, stubborn act marked the doer as the worst of national and native ridicule. The American's extreme democratic education and disposition also hamp- er him in adopting a sufficiently dignified habit of living. The American has carried practical democracy of manners to a limit unknown in other countries. As a small politician, from which class many of our consuls come, he is ac- customed to clasp with professional eagerness the hand of the wary voter. _ E. T. WILLIAMS American Consul-General at Tientsin. Appointed in May last by Mr. Root, from the position of Chinese Secretary to the American Legation, Peking. Like Mr. Charles Denby, Mr. Williams is one of the newer appointees whose personality helps to raise the standard of the American Consular Service. THE FAR EAST 581 be it horny or be it soft. He is a "mixer." He has been taught to "get out and make friends," and not to stand on ceremony or to cultivate dignity. The habits and the point of view of more than half a life-time are not easily put aside. To the native and to the "foreigner" alike, the perplexing freedom of the American consul's familiar acquaintanceship amongst nondescripts and nobodies of every class, inspires first amazement and then derision and con- tempt ; and the troubled consul has an uneasy feeling of topsy-turviness when he begins to discover that the reward of promiscuous social affability in the Orient is more often general scorn than popular esteem. Thus it is that there is hardly a consulate port throughout the East that cannot (and does not) tell with relish its local tale of horrifying associations and acquaintance- ship indulged in by the local American consul. He has failed to learn, or he has been too old or too independent to learn and practise the social "savvy" which his official confreres, and his local public, expect of every consular re- presentative of a great power. In the system of culture of the plain American citizen resident in the United States this accomplishment undoubtedly ranks low in the scale of value, but in that of the American Consul resident in the Orient it has a vastly higher rating commensurate to its utility. The truth is, the rising tide of civilization advancing with the years will accomplish nothing more useful for the betterment of American foreign trade and general foreign relations than the softening and refining of American manners. In the development and culture of the amenities of life we are far behind our European neighbors, to our detriment and their gain. The ma- jority of Americans will no doubt be willing to own with an indulgent, self- gratulatory smile that in the cultivation of these somewhat effeminate artificial social graces, the nation is "behind the times." Many of us, if not most of us, are glad to be behind the times in this regard. Yet, just as the individual finds it impossible to live according to self-enounced laws without respect to society, so a nation if it wishes to take its fitting place in the world's commerce and affairs, must adopt the rules of life which the general national consensus approves as essentially decent and decorous. To express the resulant argu- ment plainly and simply we are losing business by our isolation, and we are losing prestige by the gawkiness which causes our isolation, and marked amelioration of manners and advancement in culture must be had to secure and restore both. This is an urban and artificial age, and as a business nation we cannot afford to allow ignorance of any useful branch of education to hamper our trade. The usual criticism pronounced by Americans themselves on the per- sonnel of our Consular Service is that it is not drawn from the "right class of men." I question whether there is any real sense in this platitude. It is quite true that there are classes of men in the United States who could most satisfac- torily represent our country in the East as consuls, but these classes as such 582 THE FAR EAST are not available. Also, there are certain sections of the United States, the Eastern States for instance, whose more refined civilization the better fits their citizens to fill consular posts in the Orient. But so long as our govern- ment remains a federation of sovereign states, it is idle to expect the consular corps to be made up solely from this section. The American Consul in the Orient is an average American citizen. Often he is one who has taken a part in politics at Home and his appointment is the reward of party allegiance, and as long as party government continues in its present form in the United States, these appointments are likely to continue, and it is futile to decry them, or load them with more than their merited share of blame. Some of the consuls are bright and enterprising — others are stodgy and unprogressive. As a class they are not a great credit to us, but we are not likely to get a better class, or possibly a different class, at least until the entire scheme of appointments to the consular service is reformed. One qualification, however, should be possessed by every appointee, and that is such a past record as furnishes a fair guarantee that he is honest. This every American dwelling or travelling in the East strenuously demands. The notorious instances of scandalous aberration from the path of honor and integrity exhibited by cer- tain of our consuls in the East during the past few years should never again be allowed to occur. None but American residents in that section know the bitter harvest of ill-repute to the national character these incidents have borne. I touch on this matter with timidity, for it is a grave — almost an esoteric sub- ject. Be it stated simply as a bitter fact, that in the Orient no nationality save the Japanese has so bad a name for dishonesty as the American. The establishment of the United States Court for China has already done much and will probably do more to correct abuses and negative evil opinions. The advent of this court, with a vigorous, dynamic judge on the Bench clothed with large powers of supervisory control over Consuls, has already had the effect to spur all the latter officials in China to unusual activity and zeal, and it is expected to effectually check peculation in the Consular Service by means of more thorough supervision and prompt punishment of defaulters. Nothing could be more unpractical and more certainly productive of in- adequate consular representation and administration than the method of ap- pointing the Consular Heads — the Consuls — direct from civil unofficial life outside the service which party tyranny has always forced our government to employ. Consequently there is no American Consular Service as there is a British Consular Service. When a consular position becomes vacant, the claims and exigencies of party requirements usually swallow it up, and even though there be a clerk or assistant whose term of residence in the East or acquaintanceship with the work have qualified him for advancement, it has been rare that he received it. This is the gravest administrative evil possible — the fundamental fault of the service — and it is an absolutely fatal fault. So THE FAR EAST 583 long as our consuls shall be appointed desultorily and haphazard from matured men uneducated in the Consular Service no matter from what class they are selected, just so long we shall never have a service to compare with that of other nations who work on the basis of systematic promotions within the service according to seniority and ability. The disjointed, discontinuous char- acter impressed on a given consular office by the disassociated tenure of success- ive incumbents, each utterly unfamiliar with his predecessor's work and ex- perience, renders the handicap too great for individual ability to overcome. No attempt to reform the service by the judicious individual appointment of men outside the service but otherwise apparently able and suitable can prove otherwise than abortive. This method is wrong in principle, but even admit- ting the possibility of its perfect operation, still the moderate mean of ability furnished by a trained up-growing consular staff, with the accompanying ad- vantages, can be better trusted to give satisfactory results. Writting on another branch of the subject of administrative changes, Walter Bagehot in his "English Constitution" says: "In many matters of business, perhaps in most, a continuity of mediocrity is better than a hotch-potch of excellences. A single competent selector of new inventions would probably in the course of years, arrive at something tolerable; it is in the nature of steady, regular, experimenting ability to diminish, if not vanquish, such diffi- culties. But a quick succession of chiefs has no similar facility. They do not learn from each other's experience; — you might as well expect the new head boy at a public school to learn from the experience of the last head boy." The truth of this principle finds extremest illustration in the case of the consul appointed from Home. Not only must he learn the business of his consular office, but he must learn the habits of oriental life as well. The qualities which fit one to hold a consular office are not rare qualities. There are thousands of young men in America who possess the requisite ability. It is the adaptability for the sphere of life, not the ability to transact the duties of the office which is scarcer. The commercial element, unthinkingly echoing the catch-word of their cult, sometimes cries out for "business men." As a matter of fact, this is a vain demand. Clever business men find more satisfactory and remunerative employment in the United States, and if clever business men are not to be had we certainly do not want foolish ones. More- over, the business man is likely to be a busy and restless money-maker. His instincts, talents and training all impel him to the discovery and utilization of opportunities to make money. He may not necessarily prostitute his office for the sake of gain, but there is that accentuated danger. The law says, however, that he shall engage in no commercial venture of any kind, be it honest or the reverse, and this behest the money-maker will find it very hard to heed implicitly. Common-sense, honest, decently educated young Ameri- cans with uniformed habits, entering the service at the bottom, will represent 584 THEFAREAST our country far more creditably. The more gentlemanly and polished the class from which they are taken the better for the service; at all events, the "boys from the forks of the creek" should be inexorably excluded. Thus gradually there will grow into the consular head positions, men not, as now, scornful (and scorned) of society and social conditions in the East, but men who have rationally accepted their due place in the Orient life; men keenly appreciative of what the local present has to offer, and as keenly striving and living for the things it prizes ; not men who spend a self-chosen but never- theless lugubrious official existance in "remembering happier things." The pith of the matter is the educational advantage gained — the knowledge and training acquired in Oriental life, forming the basis for the organization of a real consular staff. The usual roar has of course arisen from die consuls that they are not well enough paid. At present, the heads are certainly well enough paid. The important point is that the assistants and "small men" shall be paid well enough and on a scale graduated according to length of service, so that sufficient inducement will appear to attract and retain good men. As things are now, there is too great a gap between the pay of the consul and the pay of consular assistants, from whom future consuls should come, and no facilities for salary rises as sops to faithful minor officials who require ade- quately increasing compensation. It is quite chimerical yet to hope for an American Consular Service which will at all compare with the British, because our foreign trade being what it is, we cannot afford, nor have we the same need, for the large staff they employ, and hence have not the corresponding ground work for an organized system; and further, because in our growing country, prolific of opportunities, we cannot offer such inducements of pay as will persuade men of equal education and class to leave it. The young Briton enters his Consular Service after a keen competitive examination wherein at least twenty applicants strug- gle for each appointment. He must know, practically, two modern languages besides English, and otherwise the examination is a strict one. A living but small wage is paid to commence which grows steadily with service and ability. Leave of absence may be obtained in such a manner as to afford him who desires it opportunity to equip himself for the Bar preparatory to a consular career along judicial lines. The consular assistant's occupation gives him a good social standing in the British community. Within the consular hierarchy, which is not divorced from other branches of governmental service, but touches diplomatic and judicial life at various points, he can rise to great heights in British officialdom. The more important consular posts are, in the British Service, positions of great dignity and power, invested with rank corresponding to that of the higher military and naval officers. Thus consuls- general rank with (but after) Brigadier-Generals and Commodores; Consuls — bobs s^BB THEFAREAST 585 rank with (but after) Colonels, and Captains of the Royal Navy of three years standing; Vice-consuls rank with (but after) majors, and lieutenants of the Navy of eight years standing. This investiture of consular rank in the British service effectually solves the important question of power of control over ships of war, etc, at hand in a consulate port, whenever the need arises . In such cases, the matter of rank in the great majority of instances will be found to work out in favor of consular control. On the other hand, in the American service, the dignity of rank and the power it entails are not conferred upon consuls. If in difficulties, they can only prefer a request to the Naval or Military commander whose help is desired, which the latter may in his dis- cretion refuse. One glaring anomaly in the administrative methods of the State Depart- ment might be pointed out, that is to say, the shifting of consular officials from one homogeneous zone of territory to another post located in an entirely differ- ent zone. This is very harmful. The transfer of a consular official from Dawson City to Canton, or from Nagasaki to Valparaiso may satisfy some demand of temporary expediency, but ordinarily it is destructive of consular organization in the Orient. As already explained, conditions of life and environment in the East differ vastly from those conditions in other parts of the world, and the removal of an orientalized official or the importation of a greenhorn, cannot be aught but disturbing. For consular purposes, the Orient so-called extends along the entire coast-line from Suez to Vladivostock. The life and surroundings of the European or American throughout all this terri- tory present substantially similar conditions. Hence the consular officials educated and accustomed to its life should be retained in this zone of territory. Such shifts or transfers as are found necessary or expedient may consistently be confined within it. Mr. Taft, during his residence in the East as Governor-General of the Philippines, became well acquainted with the deficiencies of our Consular Ser- vice, and ever since he returned to Washington a keener realization of the true status of affairs by the Executive Heads has been succeeded by a more active spirit of reform. The Executives alone, however, cannot accomplish a thorough-going and permanent reform, though their judicious efforts to raise the quality of the consular personnel are sure to be helpful. A plausible and sympathetic Executive Order has been issued in which it is promised that promotions shall henceforth be made from the lower grades of the service, a suitable entrance examination is laid down as a requirement, and an examina- tion in law required of appointees to consular posts involving judicial functions. As an expression of good intention on the part of the administration, these regulations are gratifying, but it is matter for regret that they are enforced only by a temporary sanction. Without the cooperation of Congress, reforms cannot be made permanent, nor the salaries of the lower consular grades so - 586 THE FAR EAST adjusted that the supply of new men drawn from Home to feed the system shall not run short. It is too early to say what the result of the changes may be, as the effect is not yet appreciable. It is feared that the number of suit- able applicants to the Service will be so small and their standard of educa- tion so low as to necessitate a lowering of examination requirements, which, combined with the paucity of the consular staff, will force the government to revert to the old system of appointment outside the service. JOSEPH W. RICE. Tientsin, China, May 25, 1908. THROUGH NIPPON AND MANCHURIA ON THE NEW YORK-TO PARIS RACE. On Lincoln's Birthday, in the City of New York — at 10 a. m. on the 12th of February, 1908, to be precise — you could see them at their stations along Forty-third Street betwen Broadway and Seventh Avenue, facing the north end of the Times Building, De Dion (French), Moto Bloc (French), Sizair et Naudin (French) Zust (Italian), Protos (German), and the Thomas (American). At 1 1 a. m. exactly, a quarter of a million pairs of eyes watched them start on the New York to Paris race Every other man of the mob about Times Square was a prophet that day, but none of their visions seemed to see a single car successfully enter the City of Paris: — "Pshaw! They're up agin it, them fellers. They can't hit Frisco, let alone Paris — they can't do it." Scarcely had they left New York below their rear horizon when a great snow storm had presented the racers with white sepulchres ; railway locomotives, in the same part of the country through which they were passing, were coughing, gasping for breath and fainting in the soft white arms of ten-foot drifts; but the cars made their way through it all. And on the 22nd day of the race, on March the 24th, 1908, Mantague Roberts drove the American car bto San Franscisco. It had covered 3,328 miles from New York. From San Francisco it made north to Seattle — thence on to Valdez, Alaska, aboard the steamship, Santa Clara. The experiences of the Thomas in Alaska compelled the modification in the original route of the race. The reason was simple. It was simply impossible for an automobile to live through the original Alaskan route. German Protos did not go to Alaska to find an impossible route; some portions of the United States were quite sufficient for all her desires in the line of impossible roads. Lieutenant Koep- pen who drove her shipped the car by rail 2,000 miles to Seattle from a certain impossible point in that impossible state, called Idaho. Lieutenant - — - \ o o Q 5 > o u 2; <; a s 8 X m < \ ■' THE FAR EAST 587 Koeppen wished his car to be at Vladivostok in time to start across Siberia with the rest of her fellow racers. The Thomas sailed from Seattle for Nippon aboard the steamer Shaw- mut ; she touched at Yokohama on May 1 7th, and on the morning of the 1 9th die Custom's officer at Kobe received the Americans' not altogether in the American-yellow-journal-manufactured-chip-on-tbe-shoulder fashion. Mr. George Schuster drove the Thomas through Nippon and here is his own story : We were able to leave Kobe the following morning. Several people were met at the Oriental Hotel, who having some knowledge of the roads in Japan, acted as guides for the first half of the trip. Soon after leaving the streets of Kobe, we found the roads very narrow, and at times traveled on roads as narrow as six or eight feet. Sometimes in traveling through Japanese village streets die roads were so narrow that it was difficult to turn corners, making it necessary to go ahead and back up several times until we were able to take them. The car arrived at Kyoto, the old capital of Japan, about noon. After a short stop and two hours of traveling, the car arrived at the shores of Lake Biwa. Here the scenery is magnificent — mountains back of the lake render it most beautiful. Skirting the shores of the lake, we traveled through the village of Otsuki, at the head of the lake and through Hikone, which is a resort along the lake, similar to some of our seaside places in America. Arriving at Maibara that evening we stopped for the night After housing the car in a convenient railroad shed close by and putting a guard on it, we arrived at the Japanese Inn, where we found it was necessary to re- move our shoes, because it was the custom of the country to walk in the house in native slippers. The rooms in the inn were partitions, practically made of paper — really nothing more than a toyhouse. There being no beds, the crew were obliged to sleep on the floor with their feet higher than their heads. The crew finally managed to obtain something that looked like American food — a Japanese meal consisting mostly of rice and tea. Leaving Maibara early the next morning, we found that as we progressed into the interior of Japan the roads became narrower. About 2 p. m. the car arrived in a country that was very mountainous, with roads almost impassable for an automobile — being, practically, foot- paths The distance from this point to Tsuruga was about ten miles across the mountains, but as the roads were found to be absolutely impassable to an automobile, a detour of 200 miles was necessary in order to reach this point by a route which the car was able to travel. ««. 588 THE FAR EAST The bridges all through Japan were of practically toy construction, it being necessary to make them only wide enough for the jinrikisha, or native cart in use in Jauan, which has a tread of but 32 inches. Late that evening the car arrived at a Japanese village in the mountains, the descent was here so bad that the crew decided to stop over for the night. Finding that there was practically no food to be obtained there, they sent one of the coolies back to one of the villages they had passed through in order to get something to eat. He brought 40 eggs and two chickens. It was here that the host, a Japanese farmer, believed that the chicken was a sacred bird, and begged us not kill it, as he believed that ill luck would follow. We were, therefore, obliged to live on a diet of eggs and rice, which they ate with chopsticks — no spoons being available. The crew were objects of great interest. The farmer asking many questions about their travels — the farmer, his wife and all friends knelt about the fire, an open hearth. The conversation was carried on by means of an interpreter, and lasted late into the night. Leaving at daybreak the following morning, the car started down the mountainside. After passing through a number of Japanese villages and a tunnel, the car arrived at a village called Tamagura, where we obtained the first view of the beautiful Sea of Japan, and Wakasa Bay, upon which the port of Tsurgua is located. The car arrived at Tsurga at about 3 p. m. We sailed for Vladivostok the following day at 4 p. m. On May 22d, the Thomas car left Vladivostok for Paris — after four hours of struggling through endless stretches of mud, save where the road was lost in a pool of water, striking sunken logs and boulders, causing the car to bound up into the air, and almost turn a complete somersault, hurling the occupants out. The fearful racking got from such treatment can well be imagined. Many of the bridges were swept away, forcing the crew to ford rivers. On the way out of Vladivostok the Protos, which had stolen a march on the Thomas by starting earlier, was found stuck in the mud and pulled out by the Thomas — Lieutenant Koeppen opening a bottle of wine for the courtesy. After the experiences and difficulties above mentioned, the car floundered on, reaching Nikolsk on May 24th. Leaving Nikolsk on May 25th, the German car took the lead, taking the railroad bed, while the Thomas went over the prescribed route. The first section of the road in Sibera proved as strenuous as any similar stretch in America. The cars had not run 1 U0 miles when they found the roads impassable in mire, practically abandoned since the opening of the Trans-Siberian Railroad. The Thomas was stalled and returned to Nikolsk to find that the Protos had gone ahead along the railroad roadbed and was .1 THE FAR EAST 589 actually in the lead. The Thomas chased it for two days, with both cars making slow headway, encountering many obstacles and braving death from flying trains that came unheralded along the tracks. The American car then suffered a serious accident and was forced to lie idle for five days while the Germans were drawing away from them. At Chita the American car was only two days behind the Protos, which won the $1000 prize offered by the Imperial Automobile Club of Russia for the first car entering Chita. Leaving Chita, the Thomas, after herculean efforts and the breaking of the car through the planking of a bridge in the city, which required hours of labor to extricate it, arrived in Pogramitchnaya with the Protos only 60 miles ahead. The Thomas started on its chase to overtake the Protos. Still using the railroad tracks, the Americans were held at all stations to meet train schedules,, delaying them unnecessarily and daily receiving notice of attempts to stop them by bandits and predatory tribes of nomads. The run from Chita was replete with hardship and taxed the endurance of men and machine to the greatest extent. In following the post road the machine was bogged and after hours of hard labor was finally extricated, and, with the assistance of a wandering Buriat, placed on the right way again. The Thomas made exceptionally good time from Verkhaiendinsk to Irkutsk, arriving on June 2 1 st, making 2 1 0 miles in 48 hours, and cutting down the Protos lead down two days to two hours. The necessity of waiting for gasoline occasioned another delay, which increased the Protos's lead to nine hours. The German Protos, however, arrived at Kansk, half way between Vladivostok and Moscow, and 396 miles west of Irkutsk, on June 24th, with the Protos about 1 00 miles ahead. Arriving at Irkutsk the American car was only a few hours behind the Protos. In fact, they caught the Protos on the eastern shore of Lake Baikal. Ill luck was theirs again, for, as they came up on Koeppen and his crew, they found the German machine loaded for the trip across the lake, while it lacked just four minutes of the time of departure, and they were forced to wait 24 hours for a boat. In spite of this they came into Irkutsk, on the western shore, two hours after the Protos had left, and started again nine hours behind the Germans. The Thomas left Irkutsk at 4 p. m on Sunday, June 21st, and after a race unequaled in the history of automobiling, overtook the Protos at Tomsk. The American car's trip was full of misadventure and numerous delays from Irkutsk The ferry between two villages sank with the car, and many hours were lost in extricating the machine. Leaving Tomsk the Protos again got away in the lead, and owing to long delays in obtaining gasoline, the Thomas was again compelled to follow, but by superhuman endurance, caught and passed the Protos just 590 THEFAREAST before reaching Kansk, on June 30th. The flying Germans were overtaken after a most discouraging chase ; the Thomas getting away from Tomsk fifteen hours after them, reaching Kansk at 5 p. m. on Monday, June 30th, struggling through twenty miles of bog and mud after a short rest of five hours. Leaving Omsk on Wednesday at 4 p m. the Thomas ran 30 miles to the Irtsch River, which it crossed successfully. It then encountered a swamp a mile wide, the road showing only occasionally above the water. The road in places had been covered with straw to prevent wagons from sinking. The ferryman warned Schuster of the depth of the swamp beneath, but he persisted in refusing to be stopped by any obstacle, and proceeded. The car set out and was almost across when the rear wheel broke through the straw, striking a log and sinking to the hub. The Thomas began to slip into the swamp and Schuster opened wide the trottle to get the machine back into the road. The strain, however, was . too great and cracked two teeth of the driving gear, leaving the car unable to run. With the assistance of the local blacksmith, Miller, however, repaired the gear so that the car could proceed at slow speed, arriving at Toumen on Thursday, July 9th. From Toumen the car raced on to Ykateunberg, located on the boundary line between Europe and Asia in the Ural Mountains. Leaving there the next morning the car went on to Perm. Shortly before arriving in Perm the repaired gear gave way and a trip to Kazan, 345 versts away by wagon, was necessary before a new one could be obtained, and caused a delay of four days. After replacing the gear the car resumed its journey to Kazan with the Protos two days ahead. Arriving at Kazan two days later and without resting raced on to Njni Novgorod, arriving there at 1 a. m., delaying only long enough to obtain refreshment, the car left at 2 a. m. for Moscow, where it arrived the following morning and remained for the day, leaving in pursuit of the flying Germans six hours later. The car had lost several days on the road, losing its way through inability to make the Russians understand the sign language, and though the German Protos had left Saint Petersburg for Berlin, Schuster was hopeful of overtaking it before it reached Paris, and gave little heed to the almost broken-down condition of the men with him, but with an energy that brooked no obstacles, he drove his machine merci- lessly through mud and over all but impassable roads to Saint Petersburg, where he arrived on Thursday, July 23d, leaving for Berlin at 7 p. m. the same day. Leaving Saint Petersburg the Thomas raced on after the Protos, which was nearing Berlin, which it entered on July 24th, leaving the same day for Paris, just as news arrived that the Thomas had crossed the German frontier. _ THE FAR EAST 591 The German Protos reached the French capital at 6:15 o'clock on Sun- day, July 26th. At 8 o'clock on July 30th, the Thomas Flyer, victor in the round-the- world race from New York to Paris, arrived in Paris, sweeping through the crowded boulevards of the city, escorted by a great cavalcade of automo- biles. Crowds thronged the streets and cheered the Americans to the echo. "Vive le car American" was the cry for block after block. At the Le Matin office an informal reception was held for Schuster and his men, and toasts were drunk to them and the car. THE KOREA OF TO-DAY. BY LIEUTENANT GENERAL USAKAWA. v>«4^^fc. _J HE more disorderly element among Korean rioters has uo- M £™\ dergone a complete change of character. They have coa- ^^ 1 verted themselves into bands of outlaws at the present time. ^WOggnyacy Their one aim seems to be to rob and destroy by striking peaceful citizens of the country suddenly and at unexpected points. They have no military organization, nor do they seem to be under any leadership whatever. Naturally, the method to be employed in the suppress- ion of disorderly rioters in Koera must of necessity adapt itself to this change of character. To attempt to suppress the outlaws by military operation therefore, is entirely unsatisfactory. From the very nature of their operations, one can see clearly that it is impossible to suppress all of them at one time in dispatching to Korea a large number of our soldiers and fighting a pitched battle against them. Therefore, one of the most effective ways of meeting them is to employ military force on the one hand, and utilize police and armed police on the other. Moreover, the effective sup- pression of the disorderly element of Koreans must always depend upon the condition of administration machinery in the different sections of Korea. It is not enough to meet rioters and defend them in a strictly military sense. Rather the most important problem to be solved by us is to find the methods of taming than defeating them. The order of the day is to convert these dis- orderly elements into good citizens. The organization of a supplementary armed police force in Korea has this idea in view. The military operations in the suppression of disorderly outlaws in Korea has an unfortunate effect upon the people of Korea. They are too apt to misunderstand such measures. They see our soldiers carrying on operations against the highway- men and robbers, and in their haste jump at the conclusion that we are in 592 THE FAR EAST our haste trying our best to exterminate the Korean race at the point of the sword. This is utterly defeating our original aim. For the good Koreans themselves would naturally be driven to sympathise with robbers, on die ground that, after all, blood is thicker than water. On the other hand, if we only could succeed in taming these Korean outlaws by gentle methods, could win them into our way by explaining to them our end, which is far from exterminating the race, we receive a distinct advantage. The one Korean who is brought to understand our ideas is worth a great deal in ex- plaining our methods and aims to his countrymen. The work of our soldiers in Korea has been exceedingly satisfactory. The men of the 1 3th Division Who were retained in Korea since the war, have served for a long period. The men of the Kokura Regiment who were dispatched last year, have seen about one year of service. Both the 1 3th Division and the Kokura Regiment have gone through a strenuous and trying service, almost constantly on the move from one section of the country to another. Still they seem to be as active and fresh to-day as ever, and one cannot see the slightest sign of inefficiency among them. As for His Majesty, the King of Korea, I have had many an audience during my former stay in Korea, but after His Majesty's ascen- sion to the throne, the audience given me on this trip was the first with Which I have been honored. From what His Majesty was gracious enough to say, it is a matter of grave gratulation that His Majesty is paying a great deal of thought to the improvement in the conditions of his people, and has taken trouble to see and understand the true significance of our efforts in Korea. The last visit of mine in Korea did not afford me sufficient lesiure to in- vestigate extensively and carefully into the present condition prevailing in the country. I shall venture to say, however, that all our enterprises in Korea, such as the Oriental Colonization Company, should be carried out with utmost caution. It is highly important for all of us, in all our attempts, to be ex- ceedingly careful not to leave the slightest room for misunderstanding on the part of the Korean friends of ours. , As for the evil effects resulting from the lawless and riotous elements among the Koreans, effective measures have been taken to destroy them root and branch. In such sections of Korea as are perfectly free from the ravages of the lawless class, it is earnestly hoped that the number of our people who aim to develop the Korean resources, should imigrate extensively and freely, and take to the work of the development of Korean resources with renewed enthusiasm. As for those sections which are still under the disquieting in- fluence of outlaws, they are mostly in those parts of the country which lack the transportation facilities, and Which are not promising for industrial activ- ities, and for that reason, such sections should not weigh materially in the calculation of our colonists. The in-flow into Korea of the indolent class of our people is a matter that is to be regretted. Men Who are sufficiently endowed with more or less THE FAR EAST 593 capital, and ample ambition and industry, are sure to succeed in their enter- prises of developing Korean resources. The province of the Residency General is to guide and direct the royal household department and the Korean cabinet to administer the Korean? peacefully, and look after the interests of the foreign residents in Korea. I sincerely believe that the efforts of the Residency General are bearing goodly fruit. Its administration is approaching to perfection with every day that passes. The Residency General is paying its attention more than ever, to the local administration of Korea. It has brought about a change in the per- sonnel of local administration, and promulgated the laws in the appointment and duties of local officers. It is devoting its strenuous efforts to the improve- ment of local government. The men who are now appointed as the ad- ministrators of different provinces are those who have received education and training abroad, mostly in Nippon. They are men of ability, and men who are sufficiently intelligent to understand fully the true significance of the efforts of the Residency General toward the Korean people. As for the regulation governing the appointment of officials, and so on it places special emphasis on the actual workings out of the local official system, and has sacrificed mere formality in this matter. The men who are appointed as the administrators and officers of the different local governments, are appointed from the class of men whose reputation for integrity and intelli- gence, and especially character, is above all reproach. This is very carefully worked out, with the idea of organizing an effective channel through which the government could acquaint the people with the real aim and end of ad- ministration. Such men naturally would command the respect of the people, and is thought to do much in bringing about a better understanding between the people and the government. As for the anti-Nippon sentiment in Korea, it is general throughout Korea. There aTe a number of associations of men to be sure, among the Koreans who profess individually to be pro-Nipponese in their persuasion, and who are given to extolling the virtues of protective policies of Nippon over Korea, but it seems to me that if one were to delve deeply enough into the secrets of their hearts, these very men are looking upon every effort of Nippon to improve the Korean condition of life as an unwarranted interfer- ence on our part, and they seem to be watching an opportunity of overthrowing the Nippon influence in Korea. There are a large number of men, who, with their hands in their pockets, stand as critics of the administrative efforts of the Residency General, and seem to be utterly indifferent in bringing about a better condition among the Koreans. This class of people give no end of trouble to the practical workings of the Residency General, in its attempt to bring the Koreans to adapt themselves to the new order of things. Take for example the question of organizing a supplementary armed police force in Korea. That has been a mooted question there. All kinds of hostile com- 594 THE FAR EAST ments were made against it, so much so that the Residency General was compelled to spend several hours with the cabinet officers of Korea in ex- plaining the benefits that would naturally accrue from the establishment of such force, and at least as far as the administration end is concerned, he has succeeded in convincing them of the virtues of such organization. But both high and low, the Koreans seem to be unable to see far into the future. Every one of them seems to be too busily employed to discover the advantages which are in front of their eyes, and have no time or inclination left to lay the foundation of future safety and prosperity of the country. In our country an impression prevails that the Koreans are indolent, and the very mention of a Korean seems to call into our mind a lazy, do-nothing, useless type of loafer. But this is wrong. This impression doubtless must have originated among those of our country who have only seen the Koreans at Seoul and Chemulpo, and a few other larger towns. The people who hold to such an opinion are blind to the fact that there is a large class of farmers in Korea who are entirely and radically different in their character from what might be called the official class. The Korean farmers are ex- ceedingly industrious, in fact while some of our farmers at home are content in cultivating one cho of soil as an ordinary man's work, there are a number of Korean farmers who are cultivating five or six cho, and do it exceedingly well. And I have not the slightest doubt that under proper guidance the Korean farmers would develop into a class of exceedingly industrious workers. In developing the Korean people in the agricultural industry, commercial and other lines, there is one thing that is perhaps more important than any other. The one thing that is necessary for the development and prosperity of Korean enterprises is the establishment of an efficient transportation and communication facility. The Residency General looks upon this matter as one of the most important. The principal obstacle in realizing on this one important line of Korean activity is that the financial ability of Korea is so far below her national demands, and in the actual carrying out of Korean schemes there are many things that are unsatisfactory, arising from this financial ina- bility of Korea. The Mokuho line, for example, should be built as quickly as the Korean ability would permit. The building of this line will have a tremendous effect on the public opinion of the Southern Korea in adminis- trative matters The education of the Korean people is a matter which is being taken up actively. In Seoul the school facilities offered for the education of Korean children, both government and private, are gradually developing in their efficiency. The enrollment of pupils has passed the ten thousand mark, and the number of students which are being taught through different schools in more remote sections may represent a fairly large total. The Koreans are fond of empty discussion. The Korean character is by nature perfidious. There is always two sides to it, one which is pre- HOONG-WAH PAGODA, SHANGHAI, CHINA. THE FAR EAST 595 sented to the public, and the one which is in secret, and there are a number of Koreans who discuss at length and very learnedly, that the title of Residency General is not at all proper, that our Residency General should be called the office of "Resident Consular," etc. Now, as the popular education will gain currency among Koreans, still more complex discussions over names and titles of different officers and so on, may become more and more troublesome. It is highly important therefore, that the men who are attempt- ing to direct the educational enterprises in Korea should pay special attention to the selection of the courses of study, and they should put special emphasis on the practical side of Korean education, rather than the speculative and academic. THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING, BY ASADA MASUO. IS NIPPON REALLY MONOPOLIZING CHINESE TRADE? XT is entertaining, refreshing, even flattering, this great story of Nippon's monopolizing the Chinese market. The fact has no sense of humor, however; it doesn't care a rap whether newspapers sell or don't sell. It is stubborn; it speaks in dry figures. Here is its story: In 1905, Nippon including For- mosa, sold to China the goods valued at 61,315,000 taels. In 1906 our importation into China dropped to 61,052,000 taels, and in the year 1907 it once more dropped to 57,461,000 taels. CjfAnd the people say that "Japan is monopolizing Chinese trade." flfAnd the newspapers, the civilized blatant and real lords of the United States, say that we are closing Chinese market against everyone else but ourselves: that we mean to gobble up the Chinese trade. €][ Nothing is unnatural about this — nothing is even surprising in this. It is thus the world talks and the people too busy to examine facts is herded like so many sheep. <|EngIand, exclusive of the British India, and of Hong Kong, sold to China in the year 1907 goods valued at, in round numbers, 77,562, 000 taels. And in the same yea.r Hong Kong sold to China 155,642,000 taels worth of goods. And yet the people say, and the newspapers shout, that we are building an eternal wall around the Chinese market which is invisible but which in its exclusiveness would make the historic eternal wall of China a cheap heap of mud. tJThe total import trade of China in 1907 amounted to 416,501,000 taels. There is no school boy who is reckless enough to place the equal sign between fifty seven millions and four hunded and sixteen millions; and this feat in mathematics is exactly 596 THEFAREAST what so many shrewd, sober truth-telling British traders in Chinese and Oriental ports are trying to achieve, — with the help of American news- papers. THE IMPORTATION OF FOREIGN IRON AND STEEL. €][ Immediately following the Russo-Nippon War it increased as much as three hundred per cent at one time. CJThe railway materials for the construction of new lines and structural iron were the principal items, which swelled the importation of steel and iron from abroad. Private interests also purchased iron and steel largely for construction works, the construction of levees and bridges as well as for structural purposes. Even in the panicky days of our financial circles the amount of iron and steel goods handled by dealers in the City of Tokyo alone passed the million mark, every month. The amount of iron and steel in warehouses and in stock today is valued at four hundred million yen. The market has been comparatively active since April of this year and has "digested" practically the entire stock brought over from last year, and is absorbing all the importations that are being made from month to month. CHEAP FLOUR FOR THE EAST. ^[Indications are that the price of Kwang Tung wheat will be about one yen (50c gold) for two and one-fifth pecks. The activity of the Nippon Flour Milling Co. has been the chief factor in furnishing the East with cheap flour. Other companies such as the Teikoku, the Toa and the Nisshin companies which are operating in competition against the Nippon Flour Milling Co. were obliged to lower their prices. Two yen and thirty- five or six sen is the current price at present. 4B|^^/ HE Imperial Rescript was largely based upon the suggestions M £"*\ of Kido. He held that it would not be well for us to push ^^ 1 ahead too rapidly. Gradual, systematic, conservative progress ^^^g^r was what he advocated and the Imperial Rescript announced the establishment of the constitutional state founded upon the principle of conservative progress. It was the favored doctrine of Kido — this principle of conservative pro- gress. Okubo pledged himself to follow the lead of Kido. Therefore it is perfectly correct to say that the principle of conservative progress was the keynote of the administration at that time. His Majesty, the Emperor, also heartily approved of this principle of gradual progress. The Imperial Res- cript referred to is the proof of this. We have seen the working of this principle of conservative progress as it proved itself through the many years which followed, especially through the sixteen years at the end of which time we saw the promulgation of our constitution. This is a fitting place for us to pause to examine the wisdom or unwisdom of this principle of gradual progress. Let us invite our critics to examine carefully the result of this principle in its actual workings. As for us, we do not hesitate a moment to say that it was eminently wise and profitable when judged by its fruits. Looking back from where we stand to those days of sixteen years ago [this was written in the early part of 1 899 ] we see that the leaders of thought among the people in those gone days were exceedingly impatient on one point, namely, to secure popular political rights for the mass. As soon as the Genroin [the council of elder statesmen] was estab- lished the petitions for a representative assembly elected by the people, fell upon the government like a flood. The foresight of Kido and Okubo was the dominant force which fought back this too impatient and radical tendency for the exercise of popular political rights. And today we have seen the pro- gress through the sixteen years. We have seen also the promulgation of the constitution. We may ask the question therefore: — "What do the people think of the constitution even today? What ideas have they of the constitu- tional state?" We have sufficient data to answer the question; it is plain to * Translated by Adachi Kinnosuke. Copyright 1908, by Adachi Kinnosuke. THE FAR EAST see that if the administration had yielded to the public clamor of rapid and radical progress, and did not adopt the principle of gradual and conservative advance, we would have seen greater abuse and more unfavorable results in the inauguration of a constitutional state than we see at the present time. Indeed Who can say that such abuse might not have led to the serious danger threatening the very existence of state? In those days when the question of political rights was uppermost in the minds of our people, when they were loud in the discussions over the advantages of this and the disadvantages of that form of political institution, when they were not so very clear in their mind as to the prerogatives of the Diet, if I say, at that time, the government followed the suggestions of the radicals, none can prophesy what blunders might not have been committed. As far as I can see even today, there seem to be a number of people who are given to extremes in their ideas on the constitution. Is it not true that among the politicians who are still living, there are many who do not under- stand the meaning of a constitutional state? I believe therefore that it cannot be gainsaid the actual operation of the principle of gradual transition and progress resulted in a great profit to state. So the Genroin [council of elders] was established. Also the Supreme Court and local assemblies. Thus we have seen that three of the four items of my suggestion were actually carried out. As for the specialization of the duties of cabinet ministers, there was no strong opposition. Still affairs were not advanced far enough at the time to put this idea into practical operation. At first, Itagaki was opposed to the idea but gradually he modified his views and especially after he had taken up his residence in Tokyo, he de- clared himself unreservedly in favor of the independence of the cabinet. Prince Shimazu was also in favor of this principle. As I have said, I was the author of this plan for specializing cabinet duties, still I saw circumstances that this program would work to disadvantage and therefore I was compelled to modify my views on this point. The event which compelled me to change was the Korean affair. If at the time when such an event would come to pass and the duties of the cabinet were specialized as suggested by my pro- gram, I could see the possibility of great confusion. Prince Shimazu and Itagaki declared decidedly in favor of the program of specializing cabinet duties and wished to carry it into practice. Okubo, Kido and myself opposed this measure and once more there came to pass a difference of opinion among these men. Thereupon Prince Shimazu and Itagaki resigned. The Korean trouble which resulted in the division of the cabinet has passed into history under the name of the "Kokwa Affair."* Kido at the time was confined in his house ill. It was necessary for us to despatch an embassy to Korea. We discussed the question as to who THE FAR EAST would be the most suitable man for the mission. It was decided to send Kuroda and also Inoue as Associate Ambassador. I said to Inoue : "We are going to send Kuroda as our Ambassador to Korea. I think you had better go with him." Inoue said to me then: "That Korean affair is a small matter which is not important or big enough to engage the immediate attention of the ad- ministration." He was radically opposed to this idea of going to Korea with Kuroda. He was so firmly grounded in this conviction of his that he even went to Kido and discussed the matter with him. He concluded by saying to me — "Just think of it; how could I do such foolish thing. Consider my views on the question. The position I have always taken. How could I go as an associate ambassador?" I retorted: "That's so — but that is the weakness of the Choshu men. You must give up private convictions and forget your own affairs and views for the sake of State. Willy-nilly I would like to have you take this matter up fav- orably and decide on your trip to Korea." Then he repeated : "But you must think this over. I would surely get into trouble with Kido." So I went over to Kido and said to him: "Here is this Korean affair. It is the idea of Okubo to send Kuroda as our ambassador to Korea. But Kuroda alone may not be sufficient; so we think that we should send Inoue as associate ambassador and we would like to have your consent and endorsement on this point." Then Kido said to me: "I am ill at the present time, but I don't think I am going to die at once. It seems to me there is no reason why you cannot wait a little while." To which I said: "But if once we lose our opportunity it would go hard with us." "But," said Kido, "if Inoue is still donning the face of a man, he could hardly go on this mission after what he has been declaring so strongly for so long." Then I said to him in answer: "I do not think Inoue wishes to go; but if he declines this mission then 1 would take it that Inoue does not place sufficient weight on the importance of state and I would not, therefore, hesitate in driving into him the sense of duty. I don't know what he has told you but I have determined to persuade him to undertake this mission willy-nilly." At last I succeeded in gaining the consent of Kido and through repeated and persistent negotiations with Inoue I finally gained his consent. Thus Inoue went as an associate ambassador to Korea. Happily the Korean affair was concluded to the satisfaction of our government, but at one time it was exceedingly troublesome. THE FAR EAST I believe Kido entertained the thought of the establishment of the con- stitution from an early date but as to what methods he was in favor of em- ploying in our particular case I have never heard. In the 4th year of Meiji (1871) when we went abroad I remember Kido saying to me, "We have succeeded in bringing about the Restoration of Im- perial regime : we have done away with clans and replaced them with prefec- tures, but everything is in confusion; it is not well. We must provide a con- stitution and lay the foundation. of systematic and orderly institutions." To which I replied at that time: "But even if we were to provide a constitution, whether such a thing be possible in its practical workings at home I do not know. In fact there is a grave doubt about it. It is necessary I think that we should devote a careful and ample study to the subject." To which I remember Kido assenting saying: "That is quite true, as you say." From that I inferred that in the mind of Kido there was no settled program as to the detailed methods in the establishment of a constitutional state and carrying out its provisions. A little before the time when the Korean Expedition Agitation broke out, on the 14th of October to be exact, of 1872, Kido asked me if I would not enter the cabinet. I declined the invitation at the time. I was invited to call on Kido one day. When I saw him he said to me: "I suppose both Iwakura and Okubo urged you to enter the cabinet. I wish you would consent. As I am ill so often, I cannot discharge my duties to the full. It is at least difficult to do so. So you enter the cabinet in my stead, and then I shall feel at ease, and close my eyes in pease, as they say, even if I die." To this I answered, saying: "If such be your ideas and if you desire it to such an extent, I shall be very glad to enter the cabinet. I shall accept a portfolio. But even if I enter the cabinet I cannot guarantee that I may be able to carry out your ideas, as it is very plain to you, that I must carry out the measures according to my own conviction answering to my responsibility." "Oh, of course" he said. And it came to pass that in the 6th year of Meiji (1873) I received the appointment of Minister of Public Works with the rank of Sangi. *Note. — It was the 20th of September, 1875, The Unyo-Krvan, a-man-of-war of Nip- pon, lay at archor at the mouth of the river Han. Some of her officers and men went out in a boat to survey the coast. Without warning and with no provocation whatever, the Korean fort of Eisa, which guards the entrance to the port of Ninsen (made famous in the Russo-Nippon war by the sinking of the Russion cruiser "Variag" which now car- ries the sun-round flag under her new name of Soya, by Nippon ships under Admiral Uriu) fired upon her. The Unyo-Ktvan the very next day opened fire on the fort, seized 38 cannon and dismantled it. This incident aroused the Korean Expedition once more to life in Nippon. Mr. Soejima advised Prince Iwakura to reorganize the Imperial cabinet and the agitation for an expeditionary war against Korea was rampant throughout the country. id ^1 B& gjf-rfc-'.-.^ THE FAR EAST UP THE FUJI. BY HARA TARO. OUT of the now ancient days, (upon my word I am getting old) floats a mirage of a school room (it was one of the fencing halls of our lord of the Kameyama clan hastily converted into a school room by-the-by) and the echoes of child voices reciting : — "Fuji-San stands with its feet planted in three provinces of Kai, Suruga, and of Sagami. Away from the face of the sea, it towers 1 2,490 feet into the heavens. It is situated at 35 degrees 22 seconds north latitude and 1 35 degrees 44 seconds east longitude. Learned men in earth-strata science call it, a dormant volcano. Conical in shape with its skirts transparent to the eyes of distance; ever robed in eternal snow, it is, 'the white fan, half opened and hung upside down in the mid sky' of the poets," etc. Later in the dangerous days of small knowledge and half wisdom, we have recited with fire the irrelevant and irreverent classic couplets of the famous scholar: — "Kilemireba, Kikuyori hikushi, Fujino Yama, Shaka mo Koshimo, Kaluga aruran." Which according to the lettered murderer of melody and the perfume of style called the translator, runs something like this : "When I come and see it with my own eyes, how much lower it is than I have heard — 'the Fujiyama. So mayhap will it be with Sakya and Confucius." * * * Oh yes, I have climbed it more than once when I was too young to know either the nobility of lines, or what is more eloquent than that, the spirit mean- ing of the peak. A moment before ascending it Fuji, we are told by Mr. Shiga, is an ahisu or an Aino word. It signifies the Queen of Fire. Mirrored therefore in the ancient name, you can see Fuji the volcano in all its glory. Today, it has gone to sleep and even a school girl can approach her crater with small danger. To those who would pay their respect to the sacred majesty, the Fuji, there are six avenues open. To the pious pilgrims from the West of the Barrier (or in the more modern terminology, from the southwestern portion of Nippon) there is a path which is known as Omiyaguchi. This passage leads THE FAR EAST you by way of Murayama and after traveling 3 ri and 8 cho (about 8 miles) you reach the point called Umagaeshi which means "Turn back the horses." Thence into the cloud and beyond to the crest of the Fuji. It is there that the traveller is warned to leave all earthly ease behind. This road passes by the famous shrine of Sengen. It is by this road that a great majority of pilgrims make their way to the top. This has been known, therefore, as the front gateway to Fuji. Those who make their way up the Fuji from the country of Kai, climb by the way of Yoshidaguchi, while those who make their progress from the regions East of the Barrier or from the northeastern portions of the Empire, take their way by Subashiriguchi or through the Eastern Front Entrance as it is called. If you were to take the road by Subashiri, — said a man of wisdom and ripe years when we were coddling our pet scheme of climbing the Fuji in a certain school dormitory in the City of Tokyo, — you will have to ride two ri (about 5 miles) through dense forest, then you will come to Umagaeshi; thence you will make two more ri and find a resting place at Central Eating Depot. From there to Ichigome is the distance of 8 cho (about half a mile). Now Ichigome is the first mark on the ascending scale up the Fuji. From this point upward to the highest peak, there is a distance of 5 ri (about 12 Yi miles). This distance is divided into ten portions which are called first, second, third and on to the tenth and Ichigome means the first gome. Now at each of these points marked by first, second, third etc., gome there is a resting place. From the fourth gome upward, these resting places are caves dug into the mountain side walled with rocks. In these rocky caves, the travellers are expected to weather both the wind and rain or snow storms. These shelters are called "stone caves." If you take this road it would be well for you to spend a night at the lofty shelter at eighth gome. You can also mount the peak by way of Yoshidaguchi. This also takes you through a dense forest until you reach Umagaeshi ("Turn back the horses") and not until you reach the fifth gome would you be able to emerge from the dense forest and for this reason this road robs you of the scenic splendors which either the Omiyaguchi or the Eastern Front Entrance which you could reach by way of the Gotemba station, would afford you. This Yoshidaguchi is the historic pass up which pilgrims proud of many years' record, have shaken their golden bells and recited the sacred passages from the Sutta, as they battled through almost an incredible series of difficulties up the shaven face of the peak. This road has always been chosen especially by those ultra- pious who delighted, like ancient monks, in torturing themselves for the glory of the gods and for the persecution and purification of their own flesh. If you go by way of Hakone you would sail north on the lake and land on its western shore, go over the range of Suruga, come out upon the Suyama whence THE FAR EAST you will go by Suyamaguchi. You will skirt the Hoei peak along its north-, ern base and reach the top. But if you go by way of the Gotemba railway station, your path lies along Nakabata way. You will go to Tarobo and up the second, third and fourth gome to the tenth, the top. The first day of the sixth moon of the old Luna calendar, is the day set apart for "the opening of the mountain" as it is called and through the mid- summer for forty or fifty days, both the pious who are old enough to hunger for the glories that are to be in the company of the gods, and the young- who in their splendid folly would snatch at the sun and the moon with bare hands make their upward way along the glacial height. * * * It was the first of August. "Forty-seven years are better than three twenties" said he who had fathered us all, and the race we began under the broiling sun into the station of Iidamachi in Tokyo lasted clear up to the cap of the Kenga-mine 12,400 feet from the face of the Pacific, the highest point of the Fuji. Down the Kanagawa way, out of Yokohama, through the history- encrusted stretch, our train raced. The famous steep pass of Small Budda which has served through countless years back as a melodramatic stage of all manners of romance and adventures and of highwaymen who have peopled the folk tales for the entertainment of our younger days, had nothing more imposing on that day than a black unromatic tunnel-mouth which swallowed the modern dragon breathing steam. Thence we lost ourselves in the ma- jestic congregations of mountain ranges, of century-old woods, of mountain streams that flung down silver and crystal into the sea. Here and there a song of a boy tending an ox tuned itself with the orchestration of birds in the sapphire shades of deep mountains in summer. Thus we passed through a hallway decked with the pictures, no less artist than Heaven itself could paint, and at last there we were at the railway station of Gotemba. Many hostelries hummed with crowded guests; we suffered from the common ail- ment of the tourist. Embarrassment of riches was the trouble. "Which? Why, of course Fujiya. Are we not on our way up the Fuji, and for us there is only one hostelry — bearing the name of the great mountain," said the wisdom of Forty-Seven and that settled the matter for us. "Ah, honorable host" said my father to the bowed head before us, "how is the road from here to Ichigome?" "Hat, the great rain that come down from heaven and the savage blow- ing of winds which accompanied it, shook our tramway as a thing of reed; that it did august guests. And the humble one would hesitate much to send forth his own horses hitched to that demented basha (horse car) up the road. Indeed I have been told by my friends that at a number of points the THE FAR EAST rails have been washed, as if they had been a thing of straw. Believe your humble servant that with all the gracious guardianship of die great diety of Sengen, not everything is either the safest or the most ease-inspiring in this noble mountain." "Are there no more horse cars going up to Ichigome tonight?" one of the younger members showed his ignorance in the Fuji-logue. The head of the host fell on the mat in utter amazement, and I would wager half my fortune that there was a smile beneath the bowed head. All the gods of the mountains and the streams forbid that there should be such recklessness as traveling through the dense forest at night for eight miles to Ichigome. That is a thing never to be thought of. Would the august presences consult a policeman to assure themselves of the verity of his statement? It is not only the danger from men but from the ghosts and the beasts as well. The shoji (paper screens) of the room opened upon a nature-made land- scape garden. From afar through the twilight came the lyric pipings of the mountain stream going home to sea. Just than the full moon appeared over the shoulder of one of the pines in the yard, and the silver of the moon inspired me to say : "Why not make it on foot?" And even as I breathed forth these reck- less words, I saw our honorable host of Fujiya sinking visibly through the floor in utter consternation, calling in every one of his dismayed features upon the eight million gods to witness the extreme of foolhardiness of youth. And I took pleasure to add, "It would beat the sweaty toilings through the sum- mer sun in a stuffy horse car tomorrow morning. And look," I said, turning my face full upon the silver circle in the skies, "what a gorgeous moon." The honored host threatened to summon the policeman to back his statements. We were indifferent, however, to all the prophesies of evil and happy in the blind faith which says alike to the philosopher and to the potato digger, "Your neighbor was struck by lightning and your friend died in wreck and your uncle met a typhoon but as for you, elect of the gods and anointed of the Lord, no cyclone neither fire nor water can touch your precious skin;" and thinking only of what a magnificent moonlight feast of deep mountain scenery would be unfolded to our vision, we offered only our boisterous, blind-faith mirth in payment of all the sober and sage warnings of our good host and the sturdy wisdom of Forty-Seven Years leading; after a simple fare which had all the exquisite sweetness of taste which passes the under- standing of the royal tables the world over, we put on our rvaraji and bowed our goodbye in perhaps the best humor of which men are capable. I decline to describe the moonlit stretch of ten miles covered by us through the hours in which even the rill is said to fall asleep. Why? Simply because I can't. THE FAR EAST It was one of those experiences which humiliate human adjectives and laughs at the primitive limitations of human speech. A little way out of the Gotemba, to our left, we spied, shy in the moon- lit gloom, the five shrines of Sengen looking for all the world like the ultra refined water color study of Sesson. After covering five miles farther, we came to the famous waterfall of the Eight-Great-Dragon Kings. Now, as everyone knows, this is the waterfall wherein all the pious aspirants who would peep into the skies from the height of the Fuji, should purify their flesh, and it could not be thought of for a moment — according to the judgment of Forty-Seven Years — that we should neglect this initial act of piety. We had no particular appointment with the Deity atop of the Fuji on any de- finite point of time. In fact, we were richer in time than in any other earthly goods. Off with our costumes, then and down with our bundles and soon we lost ourselves in a fog which was made of dreams of the gods of die mountain rather than of the pounded water from the fall and through which the silver rays of the moon quivered like the shy tears of the maiden in love. The rite of purification accomplished, and a little ahead of the break of day, we reached the first resting place, Ichigome. THE FINANCIAL NIPPON OF TODAY. BY HIRATA TAKATOKI. N**4^^^»^ HE financial statement for the month of August, is out. The M C*\ men °* Nippon — and there be some beyond the seas, now that ^L I our Imperial finance is becoming more and more a matter of ^^^I^F international interest — breathe more easily. Our fiscal year closes with the last day of the month of March. The exper- iences of the past assure us that the report of our finance about the close of the month of August, for all practical purposes, forecasts the financial condition of the fiscal year. Hence the special significance of the August financial re- port. And it tells a splendid story. A comforting one as well. It shows the decrease of not less than 36,000,000 yen in the state expenditure as were presented in the Budget ; and in revenue it shows the increase of 2 1 0,- 000,000 yen over the figures of the Budget. In fact in the 40th financial year (April '07 to March '08) it shows a total excess revenue of nearly 250,000,000 yen. Before going into the analysis of this splendid showing it may not be out of place for us to pause to tell the story of financial Nippon in general and how the Imperial finance of our country is conducted. The term "Budget" in our country does not mean the financial statement 10 THE FAR EAST which is presented by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the British Ministry to the Parliament. As in France, Germany and America, the word "budget" in our country means an estimate of revenue and expenditure for one fiscal year. The financial law of Nippon requires all state revenues to be paid into the national treasury. There are exceptions, however, to the rule. 1. In an extraordinary case where it is desired to effect a special ad- justment, a special financial year is created which is independent of the general fiscal year. A war is an example to the point. It is permitted to make the entire course of a war as one financial term. 2. Where it is specially desirable to bring about the financial inde- pendance of a special locality by a special arrangement its revenues may be permitted to be applied directly to the expenditure of that particular locality. The government of Taiwan (Formosa) is a good example of this. 3. In the establishment and conduct of special enterprises a special account may be established, for economic and other reasons. Tobacco Mono- poly Bureau and the Imperial Steel Foundry are good examples of this. 4. When the establishment of a special account is convenient and ad- vantageous for the adjustment of a certain specific account such account is opened. Coinage adjustment Fund is an example. 5. Sometimes the financial independence of government schools and libraries are desired and this also is facilitated in the establishment of a special account. The general Budget is divided into two kinds — the ordinary and the ex- traordinary. The creation of a reserve in a general budget is provided for by the Imperial constitution. Of this also there are two kinds. Sometimes cer- tain items in the general budget are found short of funds. The call is made on the first reserve to make good the deficit. Sometimes there occurs an item of expenditure which is absolutely necessary after the compilation of the budget. This, however, was omitted in the general budget because it could not be forseen at the time of the compilation. To defray such necessary item the second reserve is used. The budget is in its general character annual, still there are many un- dertakings of the nation that cannot be completed in one year — construction of war ships and forts for national defence is one of them. It is necessary to have a certain fixed appropriation covering for a number of years in order to complete such work successfully and economically. For this the constitu- tion makes a provision and at any time the government is permitted by the constitution to incorporate an item in the budget to extend beyond the specific fiscal year for which the budge': is compiled. The budget after the approval of the entire cabinet is presented to the House of Representatives at the com- mencement of the session; that is to say, in November or December, some THE FAR EAST 11 four months prior to the beginning of die fiscal year. After the passage of the budget through the House of Representatives and the House of Peers, it is presented for approval, to the throne which is usually done in January or February, that is to say, two or three months before the commencement of the fiscal year for which the budget is made. It is then promulgated through the official gazette. I have given a short digest from the Financial and Economical Report of Japan issued by the Department of Finance of our country. It sufficiently outlines the character of the budget and the manner in which such approp- riations are made. Coming back to the analysis of the strikingly favorable showing made in the August report you will see that none of the tremendous gains are sudden nor unhealthy. The great reduction of expenditure is chiefly due to the following causes. First: The Saionji Cabinet went out and the Katsura Cabinet came into power. It brought with it a new financial policy. Retrenchment was its watchword — it faced frankly the financial situation which was threatening. All the public works and items of expenditure that could be carried over or extended over a long future period, were given a longer period. This perhaps is the chief cause of the striking decrease of expenditure. Among the leading causes that brought about the increase of revenue to such extent were the revenue from special war accounts and from Russia on account of the maintenance of prisoners during the time of war. Substantial gains were made in addition to the above and this is per- haps the most gratifying feature of our financial condition. Among the ordinary revenue the revenue from taxation was estimated in the budget at 430,000,000 yen. According to the statement issued at the close of August the actual revenue exceds 492,000,000 yen, showing the actual gain of about 60,000,000 yen over the figures of the budget. The detailed examination shows that land tax decreased by 600,000 yen, but the revenues from saki tax, customs duties and various internal taxes have all increased. The revenues through government monopolies and government- owned industries increased by over 6,000,000 yen. The revenue from posts and telegraphs as well as stamp taxes shows a decided increase. The or- dinary revenue for the fiscal year of the 39th Meiji showed an increase over the budget and the actual returns of this fiscal year also shows an excess over the figures of the budget. This is something pleasant to ponder over. More pleasing, however, is this fact: the amount of actual revenue in excess of the figures given in the budget for the fiscal year of 1907-8 is very much greater than the excess revenue for the fiscal year of 1 906-7 over its budget figures. The fiscal year 1906-7 shows the actual gain of little over 45,000,- 12 THE FAR EAST 000 yen over the figures of the budget but the present fiscal year has gained as I have said over 60,000,000 yen. It must be confessed that this great gain was quite unexpected even by the most sanguine. So much so the Tokyo- Ashihi declares it unexampled. Nothing brings out the striking gain of the present fiscal year as the fol- lowing table which shows the figures given in the budget for ordinary revenue and actual gain or loss over it. The table shows the result of ten years Budget Increase or Decrease. 121,455,420 +11,432,915 179,560,810 —2,232,272 193,730,180 —1,560,099 207,693,182 —5,658,083 226,114,613 _4.874.207 226,464,310 —2,283,611 290,012,881 +9,129,248 371.067,493 +27,234,158 398,852,459 +45,959.980 431,552,141 +60,311,386 Note: — The increase given for the two fiscal years of 1906-7 and 1907-8 are the actual amounts given in the report ending with 31st August. The excess of actual revenue over budget is as you can see from the table something new and recent. With the single exception of the year 1 898- 9 the budget always proved more optomistic than the actual revenue. Dr. Soeda, President of the Industrial Bank of Nippon is reported to have said in his interview with a representative of the Tokyo- Ashihi : — "At this time when the summer season is about to close, our government bonds show a rising tendency on the London market. There is a strong indication which seems to open a new era for the investment of the British capital in Nippon. For example when we look back to the conditions prevailing about April of this year we find that both our new and old bonds both 4's and 4'/2's fell last spring to 80 and the 5's fell to 90, and even the military bond fell close to 99, but since the financial policy of the new cabinet gained a wide publicity European markets show a decidedly favorable complexion toward the Nippon bonds, and we see now our 5 per cent war bonds rose to 1 00 — Comparing it with where it stood in die earlier half of April of this year we see that it has gained over 2 to 5 pounds. This evidently is the result of the promptness with which the interests were paid on our bonds and the publicly announced policy of our government against the additional floatation of bonds. All of which brought about a decided increase in the confidence of the British capitalists in the Nippon policies. t— 1898-09. Fiscal year Actual Revei 1898-9 132,869,335 1899-00 1 72,328,528 1890-1 192,170,081 1901-2 202,035,099 1902-3 221,240,408 1903-4 224,180.699 1904-5 299,142,129 1905-6 398,301,651 1906-7 454,812,439 1907-8 492,163,527 THE FAR EAST 13 UNDER THE CHERRY CLOUD OF SUMIDA. BY ADACHI KINNOSUKE. & EALLY it was a bit of gauze torn off from the skirt of that vain coquette called Spring, in her all-too-hasty and careless way of passing over this earth, and which was caught by the bare branches of trees which had stood lonely, looking very black and ugly upon the snow, all winter long. There were some, not many, who said that it was a cloud made up of tenjo's faces blushing over their first experience in love. An error. But, of course, we can see how they made a mistake like this, seeing that they were poets. And as for those people who insisted that it was nothing but cherry blossoms on the banks of Sumida, they knew no more about what they were talking than a mathematician knows of love. But, not to be too dogmatic in this age of assertions, we will be generous enough to make a compromise and say that under the cherry cloud of Sumida there stood a tea-house. And it looked, in all truth, as if everything — its straw roof, its bamboo curtains, its sign with the characters upon it which certainly did not seem very much blessed with modesty as far as its fat strokes were concerned, its wooden benches with cushions on them, its show-cases full of all sorts of elegant temptations for the palate — everything, I say, seemed as if it were made out of the strokes of a Nippon painter of the Hokusai school. But there was one feature of the tea-house which, more than aught else, seemed to have danced out of a picture — a little waitress. Always I saw her stand- ing in the doorway, and she was by far the most tempting invitation to the weary — and to those who were not, so that they were young, for the matter of that — to sit down and enjoy what might be called a rest from pleasure. She was not a daisy with the conceit of a magnolia, this maid, but a daisy, who, for some reason or other of which she herself was not aware, laughed at a magnolia. There came to her tea-house many a great lady from Tokio and patronised her in a condescending manner. But had she not offered a hot cup of rice every morning to the God of Luck, and a prayer along with it? And so she was not in the least annoyed at these things. And, to do her justice, there were days when, standing under the cherry cloud, she did not know that she, perhaps, was the fairer of the two. There was one man who thought there was no question on that point. This particular one, who used to go out to Sumida to "see the cherry blossoms," as he said with a wink, was an artist — a fellow-citizen of mine in a little Bohemia in a modest corner of the great Capital of Nippon. 14 THE FAR EAST II Asada Matsuyo was his name. Twenty-five centuries ago he might have been a god. But now, coming so much out of time, he was nothing but a fool ; a crank, with a crack some- where in his cranium — at least that is what the honest people thought and said of him, aye, to him. It was a very happy thing, however, that he had absolutely no taste for public applause or blame. A few of us who, like him, were pointed out by the wise public as fools, but, unlike him, did not have any reason to be foolish, could see in him a spark now and then which well merited a shrine. And often in our enthusiastic outburst of insanity, we rose to the task and reared a temple to him. And because we had no wood or stone, or mud, or anything that would cost money, with which to build it, we took our hearts as the building materials. To think of it, it is a very strange thing that the people insisted in catching him at a wrong place, by a wrong end. If one were to catch a cat by her tail he would be made to see very soon that the tail was not the right place. Even a kettle, if you will be blind and hold it by its bottom which is always turned to the flame, your hand will have an emphatic mark of your blunder. But our Asada, being nothing but a divine painter, was not, it seemed, allowed to be as vindictive and high of temper as a cat or a kettle. For example, once he painted a mood of a servant girl with a heavy bucket of water. The burden gave a sad defect to the balance of her shoulders and her unoccupied hand seemed as if it were desperately trying to seize a bulk of air far away. A very few strokes of his brush went to the making of the face of the poor servant girl — a couple of strokes for her eyes, one for her nose, another for her mouth — that was all. It was there, however, the perfect picture of that sarcastic cynicism of a working girl; — "I work from dawn to the death of the sun, 365 days every year. What is the re- sult? This bucket of water is as heavy as it ever was and my mistress is as cross as sin. Life is a practical joke of the gods. Our tears, curses, sweat, groans, laughters, fits — all are for the amusement of the bored divinities!" I say all these were there in that sketch — yes, perfectly. People did not see these things, however, perhaps because they were there. But they wanted to see the photograph of a servant girl with the right number of hairs in her eyebrows, with the exact diameter of the pores marked carefully in her skin; and the photograph of every muscle in her body. They wanted to see even the dirt on the water bucket. They wanted to see these things because — in their way of thinking, — and in the name of wisdom, when were they ever in error? — the artist ought have had them. When the infallible public did not find the things which it looked for, it called him names. "Very well," said he to himself and to the world at large, "understand me well, good people, I am painting only for my own amusement, for my own THE FAR EAST 15 self. I will, therefore, do as I like!" And he did. He was a happy fellow because he wanted the world to forget him, and the world is always pleased at that job, finding it not the hardest thing under heaven. But it was within him, that flame which something higher and brighter than the sun had lit in his soul, and whose marks escaped now and then, through his fingers, through his brushes. And those who had in their make- up anything to be scorched, when they came in touch with his canvas, they were scorched truly. But his pictures were as rare as the visitations of a good fairy. And one must indeed have been an intimate friend of his to have prevailed upon him to show one of his "colour studies" on paper. And for a long time I thought that he treated every mortal alike in this excessive modesty. But I was greatly in error. And O Chika was the occasion of the discov- ery of my mistake III O Chika is the name of the daisy blooming beneath the dewdrops gather- ed by the cherry petals of Sumida, and when one day, tired of books and sick of life, I deserted my den and dragged my cane on the Sumida bank, it so happened, in the motherly thoughtfulness of Providence, which we fools are so apt to call "mere chance," that I stopped at the tea-house. A cup of tea of that classic warmth of colour and of the traditional flavour with a cherry petal boating upon it, is always good. Far better, however, it is when it's served as the mirror of a charming smile on a pretty face which bends over it. And it pleased my weakness to render unto this unpretentious female Caesar, whose realm is as wide as the human heart, what was hers. "I regret that I am not a painter," said I, letting my eyes say the rest. "Oh, honourable guest, I thank you!" she said, naively answering to my implied compliment. "But I am sure you can paint, because you look at me with the same kind of eyes as his." "His?" "Oh, I have a friend who paints." "Well, he is an enviable fellow, I am sure." A pleasant laughter — and, like a many-coloured flash, she disappeared behind a screen. A moment later she brought out a roll of paper. I un- rolled it. "What is the honourable guest smiling about, may I know?" "Well, I believe," said I, "I have the honour of your friend's ac- quaintance." "A — ah?" in the voice of a dreamer frightened out of sleep; and then recovering, with a smile; "the honourable guest is joking?" "Perhaps." He had painted her, not exactly as she was, but as he had seen her — felt 16 THE FAR EAST her. I mean that his eyes were, for any of the divinities he adored, a mount of transfiguration. The picture was not a picture of a girl — rather it was a translation in colours of the height of his imagination's flight. The girl in the picture was serving a cup of tea to an owl . That easy grace which Nature gives to a girl in the self-forgetfulness of her hearty merri- ment, a bit of coquetry, a trifle of condescension, the amiability of one who is sure of her conquest, were all put on the curve of her lips, on the uplifting of her eyelids. And as if the ambition of the painter were not satisfied with the beauty of his dreams, he placed, doubtless in order to bring out by contrast all the delicate charms of the maid, the most grim of philosophers in the ab- sent-minded stare of the owl's eyes. "Do you like the picture?" asked I of the girl. "It is very pretty, I think — but " "Oh, but how much prettier is the original than " "Oh, do Vou think so?" Her eyes were round. "Really, when he brought it to me, I looked at it a long time. Then he told me that it was my picture. 'Well,' said I, and I recognised myself for the first time." IV A change — a very natural one to me, because I knew a thing or two; a startling, strange one to the world — came over our friend, the painter. "We knew it was in you, old fellow!" I heard a Bohemian say, in con- gratulating the rising reputation of the artist. Here is his retort : "Why, then, in the name of heaven, didn't you draw it out of me be- fore?" He was so solemn that his friend had to laugh to make matters even. Within a year and a half, Tokio believed him every inch a god, and a certain school of critics, seeing that Asada was too big for the world, was already preparing for him a nameless, blank tombstone — just like the one on St. Helena. Then, one fine morning came the rumour of his marriage. His foes sneered at it and enjoyed their "I told you so!" better than most women. And his friends opened their mouths as if they were inviting him to bury himself therein, and said with the first breath which came back to them: "After all a genius is a queer sort of a fool!" V He dropped out of the world as suddenly as he was introduced to the drawing-room of fame. This time his friends had no trace of him. And I, filled with the spirit of public interest, and in the name of Nihon's art, started out in search of the lost genius. I took a short cut. I went after O Chika. And, as is usually the case, I had no trouble in finding her mother and her home. As for the daisy herself, it was quite another matter. "Do you have any idea where she is?" THE FAR EAST J7 "Yes, sir; she went out boating with some girls. Shirobei, our neigh- bour, took them out. There was his friend with him also." "May I ask who this friend of your neighbour is?" "Yes, sir; he is a clerk, I think, in a clothing store in Tokio." "Thanks. By-the-bye, I saw some pictures, two years ago, don't you remember, at your tea-house on Sumida bank. Do you knew what O Chika- san has done with them?" "A — ah! so you are after the pictures also, young master? So many persons came to ask after them, and because the honourable masters wanted to buy them, O Chika sold them — almost all of them." "So!" "Yes, sir; maybe there is one left." She rose, went to her bureau, and brought me a roll. We unrolled it to- gether. Painted upon it was a dilapidated tramp, sitting in the dust of a highway, and the threads of his rags were slipping and flying away from him in the wind, as if they were thoroughly ashamed of the forlorn wretch. He was talking to his dog. And the dog had a look upon his face which be- came better a potentate of an absolute kingdom listening to the prayers of a beggar. At the bottom of the roll were these words, written in the stormy vigour of a certain pen of which I know a thing or two : "My Last Picture." "It was sent to her just about a month ago, now," said the old lady. "When is O Chika-san coming home? I want to buy this picture if I can." "It's past time now. She may be here any moment." Fully two hours' patient waiting. And in an hour or so after the night had fallen, she came back — gay as a bird. When I spoke of the picture, she consented at once to sell it to me for a price I am ashamed to mention here, .and added : "Isn't it very strange? He was very nice and sweet to me a long time. Then one day he came down the road, but when he was within a hundred feet of me, he turned round sharply, all of a sudden, and went away. I did not call after him ; I never thought of it. Since then he never came. He went away without a word. After about a month — wasn't it mother? — he began to send me pretty pictures and letters which we could not understand ; but our neighbor Shirobei, he read them, and he said they were very pretty." "May I ask What were you doing when he came down the road the last time?" , "Oh, I was with Sadakichi, that young fellow you saw just a minute ago — he works in a big Tokio store — well, we were lying in a clover field near here and laughing. I did not see him till he was very close to me." "I see." 18 THE FAR EAST "Are you going already, young master?" "Yes; good night!" VI Honour, wealth, art-enthusiasm had been blowing on their big horns to summon Asada. He did not appear. What could a fellow like me do? I heard that O Chika had married the clerk of the Tokio store, and they together moved to Kioto. As for the genius, we heard nothing about him. His parents thought that he was on his pilgrimage to the art treasures of the empire. VIII Five years after his disappearance, — The artistic public of Japan had cried after him, at his loss, but just like a baby howling after a piece of candy, it exhausted itself in its lamentation, and by-and-bye became somewhat sleepy and seemed to have dozed off. But there were a few unfortunate ones who could not, do what they might, forget him. On my way home to my native town, I stopped at the Capital of Flowers, as Kioto is called. It was in the season when Nature becomes absolutely wild in her prodi- gality, even in that island home of simplicity — I mean in matters of flowers, dreams of purple haze, of perfumes, of coquettes both of feathers and dresses. One Who is thinking seriously of departing to eternity ought, by way of preparation, to spend a few spring seasons at Kioto. No, time does not seem to exist there, and indeed, one who wants to be intoxicated by the sake of vernal sunbeams has no time to spend in thinking of any such thing as Time. The whole city decks herself in honour of the flowers, and you will see every street of the ancient capital turn into an avenue filled with a dense population in the exaggerated butterfly wings called the sleeves of the Nippon k^ono. And I abandonded myself completely to the voluptuous seductions of the Kioto spring. I went from one meisho to another. I flirted with every cherry tree that was a-bloom and left my tribute in classic couplets penned on a rectangular card, pendent from their branches. Colour and perfume; love and sake! Late in an afternoon I was at the Kiyomizu Temple. For centuries it had been the rendezvous of pious pilgrims, and the pil- grims of art, of philosophers, poets, and especially of lovers. The temple is built on the waist of a hill. One of its verandas looks down into a court many hundred feet below. They called the veranda "the Lover's Leap," because ever since the temple stood there came to it lovers who were unhappy in this world, and, true to their religious convictions, they took their leap from that veranda into eternity to enjoy in the realm beyond the bliss of love THE FAR EAST 19 which this life denied them. They say, and I do believe them, that if the bodies of all the fair girls who have thrown themselves down from the veranda could be gathered in a heap, they would more than fill the chasm. But the reason why the people had not closed the veranda or shunned it altogether was because there was something there that would more than erase all the un- pleasant associations. And if you were there with me on that evening, watch- ing the twilight come home flying on her purple wings to perch upon the cherry trees, and could hear the far-away melody of the unseen belfries as it tumbled into the valley over the heads of pines, as if it were the lullaby tq put the twilight to sleep, then you would not hesitate to agree with me. Upon my word, it deserves an ode, a hymn. But in that divinely enticing languor, such a task as composition is hardly thought of — at least by such an idle hand as mine, and I sighed my compliments and apprecation of that lyric of a view "Jumped?" "Who?" "Where?" "When?" "Where is he now?" There was a great confusion. And the people rushed from all quarters to the other end of the veranda. It seems that even while I was admiring the evening fading on the pink veil of cherries, there was a man on the other end of the veranda around a corner who thought, for some reason or other, that life was too distasteful to him. "He was a crazy young fellow," I heard a voice say ; "I have seen him hanging about the place for some time. Love? Oh, no! The idea is absurd. He was in miserable rags, and I know he must have starved a long while. No love affair in his case at least!" The following morning I took up a newspaper. A glance at it — and it fell 'from my hands. On the first page in large letters: "The Discovery of the Long Lost Painter! "Asada — a mangled heap under the Cherry Cloud of the Kiyomizu Temple!" And the whole page was devoted to him. It told what a transcendent genius he was, how the volcanic zeal for his art had been too much for his frail body, how he had lost his mind; and it commented exhaustively on the relation between genius and insanity. The art-loving people of Kioto buried him with all the expressions of their tender respects. Over where he rests is a marble shaft with some fine sentences cut into its sheen. Once he had cried for bread, and now they gave him stone — for such is the way of the world. 20 THE FAR EAST As I watered the last resting-place of my comrade with a dewdrop straight from my heart, my thought wandered back to the avenue of cherry cloud of Sumida, to the tea-house and — to her. I knew she was somewhere in the city of Kioto, and could not refrain from the idea that the very marble with his name cut deep into its snowy light would move at the sound of her voice. With the help of a register and the police it was not difficult to find her. I recognized her at the first glance. She had grown very much stouter; her marriage with the c'lerk, her kitchen work, and the long afternoons at her washtubs agreed with her perfectly. She gazed at me a while, ransacking the bag of her memory. At last she recognised me. With both of her plump bare arms in the air, and her eyes merry and round with satisfaction at recalling a face of so long ago, she cried: "A — ah, young master, I know you! — I know you!" I was shocked. But I had the fool-hardy persistence to stick to my plan. "Your friend Asada — do you remember him? He died yesterday in this city " "He did! Is that so? Ha, ha, ha! Well, I'm sorry ... he was such a funny man, wasn't he, though?" THE COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL POLICY OF NIPPON TOWARD CHINA. BY IJUIN HIKOKICHI. Minister of Nippon at Peking. Being a report of the interview of a recent date. For a western reader this article should be of especial interest. Our Minister was speaking as a native of Nippon to his friends in Nippon, and some of the criticisms of his own countrymen were at once pointed and frank. They are interesting to the people of Nippon — perhaps quite as interesting to the English speaking peoples — Ed. V^^^^^ O bring about a more intimate relation between Nippon and M £"^ China is a matter of first importance, — that is without saying, M. J — both politically and from the standpoint of commercial and ^^^^ industrial activities. We have heard about it and more than once. But much of it has been a vague collection of generali- ties about Chinese conditions — there is nothing pointed or of practical bear- ing. If one were to ask on what point or in What direction we should strain our efforts to bring about a better understanding between China and our- selves, if a tangible answer for any practical question were demanded, I doubt even among those who plume themselves as being exceptionally well- THE FAR EAST 21 versed in Chinese affairs and conditions, there be many Who would be able to answer off hand. This is not surprising after all. So many of our countrymen make no painstaking or particular investigations along any stated lines in connection with China and her affairs. It is a matter to be deeply re- gretted. I believe that one of the gravest as well as most pressing duties at the present time, is to devote ourselves to the careful and critical study of the Chinese conditions. People of Nippon talk cleverly about China and her affairs but that is largely with their lips alone. It is surprising indeed how poor is our knowl- edge of China. Among statesmen, merchants, and men devoted to industrial enterprises, this marked poverty in the knowledge of Chinese affairs and con- ditions is apparent. Therefore all the loud out-cries about the present ne- cessity of bringing about a more intimate relation between China and Nippon is, after all, of little significance. It is small wonder that such a surprisingly meager result comes out of so much discussion and such loud talking. The most vital and poignant event which stimulated Nippon interest in China was the Russo-Nippon affair. Since the war Nippon came to pay a grave attention to Manchuria. It is a matter over which we should rejoice. It is also very important. More especially is this so since Nippon has already achieved a great work at no small sacrifice — it is but proper that we should pay a great deal of attention to it. It is also natural that the people of Nippon should extend their activities along the profitable lines of development. It is also important that while our people are devoting themselves, heart and soul, to the solution and upbuilding of Manchuria as such, they should not neglect the reaping of the results of a victorious campaign. There is one thing to which I should like to call the attention of Nippon more especially. It is on Nippon's conception of China as a whole. They who dwell so strongly on the Manchurian work, too often forget that there is any other pro- vince but Manchuria in China. In their minds, China is equal to Manchuria and Manchuria to China. This is inevitable perhaps and most natural. Even in connection with the conditions of Manchuria alone, a thorough investigation is lacking. Immediately following the Russo-Nippon war, at one time, there were a large number of our people who went to Manchuria; but as you know Manchuria is very thinly populated. Commerce and in- dustry are not developed there. It is hardly out of the primitive agricultural and pastoral age. Naturally there were a number of people among those who were very much disappointed. It is true that immediately following the war, as the result of the presence of a large number of soldiers and of an enormous amount of money expended therein, there was a time when business was active. There were some among the merchants in Manchuria who hap- pened to be in the country at the time of this business boom, and who have continued in business since then. But the majority are among the disap- i 22 THE FAR EAST pointed. Turning away from this disappointed class and these unhappy citi- zens resulting from the extravagant dreams of Manchurian profits, we see that the position of Nippon in Manchuria is not the most unsatisfactory. As the result of the victorious war Nippon is now in possession of the South Manchurian Railway which reaches to Chan-Chung. In other words we have already laid the one great foundation of our Manchurian enterprises. For this reason there is a happy future for us in that direction, and it is im- portant that we should examine into the conditions carefully and plan in- telligently on economic development of the Nippon race. But, as I have said, Manchuria is a portion of China which has been least developed. The foundation of wealth is in the South China. By South China we usually include the Yangtse Valley but it is more proper perhaps to make Yangtse as a dividing line between North and South. The South China quite as much as the North China offers the field for an ag- gressive development of the commercial and industrial interests of Nippon. Is it not true that the people of Nippon, especially among the commercial and industrial men of our country, are neglecting their efforts in this direction — the South China? Take for example the showing of the Nippon commer- cial and industrial men in the Yangtse Valley. At Shanghai it is reported that their enterprises do not meet with great success. It is due to our neglect both official and on the part of private in- dividuals, in the study of China. Of course in this particular case of Shan- ghai there may be a number of circumstances and conditions which are in- surmountable. Shanghai is the point where both European and American merchants have long since planted themselves and laid the foundation early in the day. It is naturally very difficult for the people of Nippon to enter into it. Our activity is comparatively recent. Even if some of our people have succeeded in entering the field, competition is exceedingly severe and it is difficult to make a decided and immediate progress. But because it is difficult to enter it would never do for our people to forget this direction in their race toward Manchuria. The fountain of wealth in China is beyond doubt along the belt of which the Yangtse is the center. And this is no time for the merchants and industrial men of Nippon to hesitate to enter this treasure house of China's resources because it is difficult to enter into it. •By all means let them fight their way in against all difficulties. Let them advance against all obstacles. Otherwise all our prayers for the extension of profitable activities in China is of little avail. To pay our attention ex- clusively to the North China will not do. It is imperative that we should advance toward the South. Of course after the Manchurian resources and" wealth will have been developed, it may be found perhaps quite as great as THE FAR EAST 23 the resources of the South. We are not denying the importance and nec- essity of making our way into Manchuria at the same time we are adding a word of exhortation that our people should pay their attention to the South also. A word more in the comparative situations of the South and the North China. According to the general observations of my own on my trip to the South I believe that our enterprises in the South would meet with greater difficulty than in the North. At such points as Shanghai, we can see not only the commercial and industrial activities of Europe and America, but also the Chinese have laid a firm foundation of their business and they are progressing side by side. For this reason, if our people wish to purchase warehouses and real estate along the banks of the Yangtse, they will find it no easy matter. Business has attained a high degree of organization there — this is entirely different from Manchuria. When, therefore, our people wish to enter into so well organized, a field as this and do business they must be prepared to meet the competition of the well-established interests. Unlike Manchuria, our people cannot go into such fields with nothing but a pair of empty arms and expect to do wonders. In order to enter this field successfully it is necessary that one should have a sufficient, in fact a comparatively large capital. In addition to a large capital those who would enter into this field must have the ability of carrying on their business and work against all kinds of competition. On the contrary the North China is undeveloped. It is easy to enter this field even without capital and with a pair of bare arms. If one only would work seriously and be endowed with the virtue of patience, it is not im- possible for him to build up his business. In this way the North China differs from the South materially. It is important that our commercial and industrial interests should have an intelligent appreciation of this difference. In this work, they should not depend altogether on the efforts of the govern- ment alone — let the people themselves take this matter into their own hands. Make provisions for the furtherance of such investigations and let them lay a proper and ample foundation for their knowledge of China. People of Nippon thought that since we opened up Manchuria, there would be an inrush of foreigners who would reap the major benefits from it. Compared to foreigners, we are poor in capital, and it was natural that our people should have entertained an idea that it is not well to open up Manch- uria far and wide for all peoples of the world to go in and compete. The facts are entirely different however. After the complete and free opening of Manchuria even to this day there are very few foreign people who have entered into the Manchurian field. There is a reason for this — the people of foreign countries know comparatively speaking muchi more about Manchuria than we of Nippon. Moreover even on the part of the people of Nippon who are blessed with larger measure of conveniences and 24 THE FAR EAST freedom to enter Manchuria today, there are but very few capitalists who have actually entered the field. If the capitalists of Nippon themselves would so much hesitate to enter Manchuria, it is not to he wondered at that die capi- talists abroad should, decline to rush into Manchuria pell-mell. Even in (he heydays of Russian activities in Manchuria when she was ravishing a fabulous amount of wealth in her Manchurian scheme, there were very few merchants and industrial men who went there. Of course there were a great number of penniless working people who rushed into Manchuria at that time. But they have not succeeded in planting themselves firmly enough and few of them have laid a foundation for their commercial and industrial activities which is likely to last for any length of time. Thus it is seen that the foreigners have entered Manchuria but rarely. And in this day it behooves the people of Nippon to take advantage of this inactivity on the part of the foreigners to enter into Manchuria and occupy the field, and in laying the foundation of economic development and activities. Along what lines and What methods should the people of Nippon, in th? future, extend their activities in the South China, is indeed a great question. In Shanghai which is a commercial metropolis of South China there is no Nippon concession. The most important portions of the city are now oc- cupied either by Europeans or Americans. It would be difficult to secure a concession for the people of Nippon in the future. There are a few large companies such as Nippon Yusen Kaisha and Osaka Shosen Kaisha which have secured a footing, but a large number of our merchants and industrial men have nothing of the kind. If any of our people wish to secure any amount of space in Shanghai, it would require a large amount of money. The foreigners in Shanghai are complaining of lack of space. For this reason I do not hesitate to say that if the people of Nippon would enter into the commercial and industrial spheres in the South China, they must be pre- pared to open up a new center that will command the markets of the South China. On the Yangtse, our people have already opened a steamship line. The establishment of a communication and transportation facility has always a tendency of shifting commercial and industrial centers. Until now, Shang- hai has been a central market to Which the goods for the South China, have gathered and from which they have been distributed to the different portions of it. But with the completion of communication and transportation facili- ties and with the newly established lines, such cities as Suchau and Hangchau are gradually increasing in importance and magnitude. The goods which used to be shipped from Shanghai are now making direct to Hangchau and Suchau. At both of these points, we have a special concession for our own people. These concessions used to call down upon themselves forlorn com- ments from the travelers of Nippon, because they seemed to be desolate tracts THE FAR EAST 25 of land and nothing more. Now, things have changed. For this reason it is not absolutely necessary for the Nippon merchants and industrial men to conquer the difficulties at Shanghai. These men could open up their base of operation at these two points mentioned for example. It is quite evident that with the progress in the establishment of communication and transportation machinery and facilities all over China that Shangai no longer can continue in occupying her old position of handling the goods for the South China ex- clusively through her. If only the people of Nippon, therefore, would have sufficient foresight, enterprise and wisdom in carrying on their plan of oc- cupying the South Chinese market and show their wisdom in the selection of a fitting base of operation at some other points beside Shanghi, it would not be difficult for them to reap a large harvest from their commercial and in- dustrial activities in the South China. Take Hankau for example. This point was opened within recent years and owing to the completion of the Hankau-Peking Railway and the pro- posed line to Canton and also to the establishment of many another organ of communication and transportation, both by land and by water, it is now the center of distribution for the goods intended for the interior of China. Hap- pily, Nippon has her own special concession in the City of Hankau. It is awaiting an especial and enthusiastic effort upon the part of the commercial and industrial peoples of Nippon, for its future development. In short the first essential element in the command of the markets of the South China lies in the foresight of our people in forecasting a proper and suitable center of commercial activity and there establishing themselves at a base of opera- tion. In a near future Hankau no doubt will be counted among the great ports of die world, and its future development will be doubtless great, and even such sections as are looked upon as almost a waste piece of property now, may become one day and within a near future, one of the most valuable and one of the most important sections of the city. The merchants and in- dustrial men of Nippon of today therefore must work with a thorough de- termination of recovering those commercial and industrial advantages which they had permitted to fall into the hands of the Europeans and Americans and recover at least some of them. In this way if our people would establish bases of operations at many points to Which they go, it will not be long before they would naturally bring about the one thing desired, namely the closer and more intimate relations between Nippon and China. Such intimate re- lations would bring both better understanding and such better understanding would naturally bring about hearty and friendly co-operation on the day when the two countries would seize one die other by the hand and conduct their diplomatic affairs smoothly. For these reasons I have always contended that it is futile to indulge in the idle discussions of the intimate relations to be established between the two countries. 26 THEFAREAST As for Canton, I have never investigated the city personally, and for this reason, I am not in position to discuss its conditions in a practical manner. Still I think that a. similar policy to that which is to be applied in the Yangtse Valley would also be profitable in Canton. I have been often asked as to the diplomatic policy of Nippon toward China. To my way of thinking there is no such thing as diplomacy inde- pendent of the lines of profits and interests. The time was when the terri- torial expansion or the expansion of the so-called spheres of influence as well as a question of national honor, formed a great problem in diplomacy. It sometimes went far enough to bring about a war. All this is a thing of the past. From the standpoint of the present, there is no diplomacy apart from the lines of profitable interests. The diplomacy of Nippon, like the rest, must find its foundation in the same principle of developing and extending lines of beneficial interest. According to my judgment the work of overcom- ing obstacles against the profitable activity of our countrymen, is one of the principal duties of our diplomatists. Still it must not be forgotten that the diplomacy of today does not depend upon the diplomatists alone. The re- lation either hostile or friendly between the two peoples, has a vital bearing and influence upon the diplomacy of a country. For this reason, our people should aggressively work along the line of increasing an intimate understand- ing among our neighbors. China is a great nation. Today, there is a large portion of China entirely virgin of the efforts and enterprises of the foreign merchants and men of industry. These portions of China will gradually come in touch with foreign activities as the communication and transportation machinery becomes more and more perfect. On the day when China shall have attained full development, there will be no need of any single power trying to monopolize certain advantages over Chinese markets. At the end of one or two centuries, we shall come to find in China large opportunities sufficient for all. We have been criticised for a tendency of monopolizing the market to the exclusion of others. But such a program is one-sided and disastrous. For those who would stand in the commercial world of today, it is highly essential to understand that they must, if they would accomplish any great work, carry on their several enterprises with perfect co-operation with those who are in similar lines of activity. Without this spirit of mutual assistance and co-operation a great economic development is difficult indeed. Especially is this true when one is facing such great countries as Russia and China and wish to develop on a large scale. We must have the great as- piration of facing all the world in competition and at the same time must be broad enough in our views and conceptions to carry out a great work hand in hand with Europeans, Americans and the Chinese. In this manner, we may attain the long desired end of extending our constructive work in many different directions in perfect harmony and in the most friendly spirit with all THE FAR EAST 27 the rest of the outside interests. Under such circumstances it is very evident that diplomacy would have very few difficult questions to solve. One of the evidences of indifference of our commercial and industrial men toward Chinese affairs can be seen in this. There are a number of our merchants and industrial men who make a tour of investigation through Europe and America. Of course such tour is highly beneficial. It is a matter to be encouraged. Still, I must say that I regret deeply to see so small a number of men among our merchants and industrial class Who start out on their tour of investigation through China. China is, in truth, a great world market: moreover she is our neighbor. As a great economic stage, she has a most vital significance for us. Our merchants and industrial men should by all means make a thorough tour of China and investigate matters. They should encourage the younger generation in this laudable work in ex- amining in person into the conditions and affairs existing there. They should examine into the customs of the country; into the actual condition of things prevailing there. Another illustration of our ignorance in Chinese affairs is seen in that the men of Nippon who wish to investigate the Chinese con- ditions thoroughly, go to the works of foreigners, Europeans and Americans. We cannot help the past — we shall not say anything about it. In the future, however, we hope that our people would penetrate far into the interior of China and carry out their own investigation, find a base of operation for economic development, so that, one day if a foreigner would desire to know something of China and her people, he will have to come to the works written by the natives of Nippon on China. 28 THE FAR EAST THE HISTORY OF NIPPON CIVILIZATION BY THE AUTHOR OF THE MIKADO'S EMPIRE. XN the Autumn of 1907. came to us the most recent work fathered by a generous and long-standing friend of Nippon, Dr. William Elliot Griffis. It came in the humblest of garbs and with little trumpetings. With all that before us is the history of Nippon civilization which, as far as we can see, is much riper in scholarship and mastery of treatment than the one standard history of Nippon in English — the Mikado's Empire. In fact The Japanese Nation in Evolution is a child which is the father of its predecessor. I have read it through, as all the natives of Nippon of the newer generation do read the writings of Dr. Griffis — with admiration and, what is more, with a pleasure such as one finds only in a message of a friend. I only regret that the Doctor did not see fit to write his Mikado's Empire along the plan of the present work, for after all, his great work was a collection of notes on the history of Nippon — exceedingly interesting and the most com- plete and exhaustive of the kind ever written in English, nevertheless a collec- tion of notes. In the present work Dr. Griffis goes back to the days of the gods. He flirts with that tantalizing puzzle known among scholars, as the origin of the Nippon race, places an emphasis on its Aryan origin inasmuch as the Aino — "Our Aryan kinsmen in Japan" as Dr. Griffis calls them — were the "first families" in Japanese archipelagoes. This Aryan origin of the Nippon face is a fascinating one. True, many of us have little illusion. We have been lured by the tinsel glory that is in the fashionable pastime of tracing our family tree. All of us have kow-towed before the dazzling halo of our ancestral shrines and most of us have found it not a whit better than the halo which is easy enough, according to our proverb, to put round about the head of a dead sardine provided of course, you made yourself low-down enough and kept your eyes shut tight enough. To us who have found that our ancestors were in plain English or Nipponese (of the twentieth century) nothing but Malay pirates and tartar murderers and everyday sinners from the off edges of earth the levity with which the Doctor tells the story of our deified ancestors is refresh- ing. The Aryan origin of the Nipponese may, however, serve one practical end. There is a naturalization law in the United States which must have been written by a gentlemen as mythological and vague in his language as some of our archaic forefathers. It says something about the people who are eligible to citizenship of the United States. It says that they must either be free born whites (whatever the law maker might have meant by "whites") 1 I \ THE FAR EAST 29 or the descendents of the African race. If the scholarly pages of Dr. Griffis would command sufficiently popular recognition in America, the natives of Nippon who, lost in their admiration of the splendors of the "home of the free" and who wish to aspire to the citizenship thereof may not be obliged to trouble the august and high sounding temple called the Congress. In the chapters under "Japanese in the Light of Records" and "Japanese a Nation," the author gives us what might be called the philosophy of Nippon civilization. With every few exceptions, Dr. Griffis in his treatment of per- haps the most difficult theme (because it is at once so apparent and so elusive, and also because it has so much to do with the task which carries dismay into all the hearts of foreign students of historic Nippon, namely, the mastering of the written documents of our country.) writes from the standpoint of a native. If sympathy is the soul of interpretation, it is small wonder that the author gives us in this, his latest volume, a work that makes the native of Nippon, slap his knee, jump from the chair and exclaim: "That's it — here is the one man who has read us aright." But incomparably more ample and therefore very much more valuable than the other portions of the work are the ten chapters which Dr. Griffis groups under the two major divisions — "Modern Occidental Influences" and "Japan Among the Nations." Here he gives us the inner story or mind story of modern Nippon. It is of rare merit. The author I believe, is the only surviving foreigner who saw our country in those pregnant years of early 70's; the one foreign student who lived in the feudal admosphere and stayed long enough to catch more than one glimpse of the new dawn that was breaking on the land of the gods. "In 1 870," wrote Dr. Griffis to a young admirer of his from Nippon, "at the call of Matsudaira Shungaku of Echizen (through the faculty of Rutgers College who chose me) I crossed our country and the Pacific and reached Tokio early in January 1871, meeting Echizen, Datte, Uwajima and sev- eral of the leading progressive daimios and Terashima and several of the Meiji statesman now famous, spending seven weeks in the newly named Tokio. Thence I journeyed to Osaka by sea and overland to Fukui, spend- ing nearly a year, organizing the schools on a modern basis and teaching science. The feudal system was still in operation, and while I was in Fukui the abolition of the daimiates, the first beginnings of the heimin army, the abollition of eta and hinin and the various reforms, of the new era were among the things I witnessed including the departure from Fukui of the feudal lord to be a private gentleman in Tokio." In the Mikado's Empire, Dr. Griffis gives us a record of What he has seen with his own eyes of the declining days of Nippon feudalism. For a myriad facts which crowded the birth hour of the New Nippon eloquent with the prophesies too big for books of a hundred Isaiahs, the author gives us in 30 THE FAR EAST the present work a proper setting. In the days of the Mikado's Empire, he saw the facts and recorded them faithfully — that is one thing. And now with the added light and many years of careful observation, he gives us the relative value and proper perspective of those many facts which he saw in his few years of residence in Nippon. Many foreign scholars have lived in Nippon many more years than the Doctor. A number of them have perhaps com- manded quite as much scholarship as the author. Some of them even sup- erior in matter of prose style. Dr. Griffis spent not quite four years in Nippon but one year of the early 70's in the life of the New Nippon was greater than 1 00 years before Perry's visit or ten years of today. When we reflect sufficiently on what a magic span of time, which the residence of Dr. Griffis in Nippon covered, it is quite enough to make us over-religious: and after all, it is not so very wonderful that a foreign scholar, about the only one who has had the acquaintance of Matsudaira Shungaku (and Lord Shungaku with Shimazu of Satsuma towered Fuji-like against the dawn sky of the New Nippon) should be and should remain the only historic interpreter of our country for over 32 years. Throughout the book, almost in every chapter, you will hear a voice of a prophet crying in the wilderness. For since the Russo-Nippon war there has been a veritable wilderness of lettered display of ignorance in matters Far Eastern both in the dignified reviews as well as in the yellowest of news- papers and such splendid defence as he gives us of the memory of Rai Sanyo "whose name in company with those of Michizane and the other literary stars of the first magnitude in all ages and countries he had caused to be in- scribed on the western side of the granite walls of the Boston Public Library" and for which, he himself tells us, he has been ridiculed by the mob. A man reads Nihon Guaishi (the outline history of Nippon) by Sanyo in translation and he wonders what on earth made such work immortal. I can understand him. A man reads Poe's Annabel Lee in Nipponese translation and prompt- ly delegates the memory of the one poet of America into the limbo of nursery rhymesters. I can understand him also. But of him who puts on airs on his translation-erudition and sits in judgment over his superiors, I have an opinion of my own. He is simply a common ordinary everyday idiot and to that class the critics of Dr. Griffis belong. Another example: His defence of the Ronin for whom his British Majesty's first minister to Nippon, Sir Rutherford Alcock, had no particular affection, is to my mind superb — also touching. "Another much misunderstood character, in the twilight of modern Japan, was the Ronin scholar. . . . Over against the smug salary^drawing, self-satisfied samuria, basking in his lord's favor, shutting his eyes from truth, and armoring his conscience against qualms, a hidebound conservative, THE FAR EAST 31 is set the noble Ronin scholar, artist, and though outside of official approval, the doer of righteous acts Without them, the great awak- ening books, that came as trumpet calls, could not have been penned. Had these glorious heretics kept silence, the orthodox philosophy of Yedo with its enginery of prison and torture, might have made it impossible for Japan ever to produce an Okubo, an Ito, a Togo, a Kuroki, on an Oyama." And to the spirits of Yoshido Shoin and Hashimoto Sanai and other authors of the New Nippon, a few pages following 289th of this book must be more than in- cense— more than all the garlands which could be heaped upon the empty shrines. Dr. Griffis after taking you through the drama which is sometimes called the Restoration, tells you the inner story of the New Nippon down to those years following the Russo-Nippon war, — the years overfreighted with as- pirations and big with prophecy. He concludes the book by even taking more than a glimpse into the future of Nippon and in so doing he answers perhaps the most vital question in connection with the Far East: But what are Japan's ambitions? About this, the world is thinking, and various are the answers given, according as they spring from guilt rather than righteousness, ignorance rather than insight, and out of emotion instead of science. Legacies from the Crusades, memories of the Mongols, seared-conscience shadows, nightmare dreams of a "Yellow Peril," fears that raise a skeleton at the banquet of earth- hungry European marauders, destroy clear vision of the future and confuse the prespective of history. The avaricious Yankee fears for his share of plunder. The untempered alien, anarchist, or fanatic, who abuses his freedom in the United States, outdoes the dog in the manger. To those who know well Japan's story and the relentless cosmic conditions imposed upon her people, and who are even moderately free from prejudice, taking science instead of instinct as the point of view, it is difficult to see in Japan's purpose anything more than the first law of nature. Self-perservation is her highest ambition. By making the food-supply for the nation sure, by securing honorable commerce and open markets, and in longing for a fair share of the produce of the earth she would hold her own in the competition of the nations. "Second to none" is her motto. To secure victory in the splendid race, she will make herself worthy of the crown. This is the view of things outwardly. Japan must make her position sure. So long as it is the way of the world, even among the advanced nations that pose as her exemplars and teachers, to choose the battle-ship, the army corps, artillery, powder, and bayonets as final arguments, Japan will follow, for she must and will keep step 32 THE FAR EAST with humanity. She knows well what its still sad music is. No nation in Europe is older than she or has a richer experience. But if, on the other hand, reversing the order of the ages and ushering in the reign of reason in place of brute force, the nations rear tribunals of arbitration, lessen their armaments or even disarm, Japan will be quick to keep step, follow example, and be eager to run in the race, as hopeful rivals for the crown of peace. And the Doctor knows how to play a surgeon. His critical scalpel cuts deep also. Eager to discharge their teachers, to get rid of their yatoi, and to raise the exotic seed to consummate flower, that they might them- selves hold every shred of power, the Japanese moved quickly to success that too often was illusive and disappointing, as much of their seeming success to-day is. There are many sloughs of despond and pathways of sorrow yet to be traversed. Their experiences have re- vealed the national excellencies and limitations. Herein, during the past decade or two, they have seen themselves in a mirror, and as the discerning critic beholds them. As soldiers and sailors they excel. Quick external success that dazzles especially the onlooker seemed easily won ; but in education, in morals, in social uplift, in the virtues of truth, chastity, stability of marriage, in all that makes the real man apart from the noise of war, and as something other than what is appraised in uniforms and breast medals, how slow the advance! How difficult to find thoroughly good teachers in the schools, honest merchants, who will keep a contract against a falling market, men, that swear to their hurt but change not, who love truth for its own sake, or bestow freely their wealth for public good! How slightly scratched is the soil of paganism — that is, paganism from the point of view of any religion on earth that has lofty ethical ideals! How priestcraft still dominates the villages ! How low is still the status of women! How licensed obscenity still smells rank in Japan, Korea. Manchuria, and the southern Asiatic ports! How glorified are still the moral poltroonery of suicide and the false heroics of the assassin! How slight has been the real advance of truly representative govern- ment! Bureaucracy and military oligarchy form the real power be- hind the Throne. Japan's "Kitchen cabinet" is a disgrace to a nation professing constitutional monarchy. True party government seems yet far off. Domestic morals seem to be at that state of evolu- tion which shows that Japanese are ethically yet in the group, rather than in the individual. To get at the facts we need not read missionary reports or the criticisms of hostile and unsympathetic aliens. Confining his reading THE FAR EAST 33 to native literature, official and private, to his observation rightly in- terpreted, to such books as Lafcadio Hearn's final work — so radically different from all his others — "Japan: An Interpretation," a subtle but terrific exposure, one can sympathize with those patriots who bear their country's burdens on heart and mind. The purest lover of Nippon is not neccessarily found in govern- ment pay, uniform, or decoration. Very, very far from it! (The italics are mine). By a real Japanese patriot, we mean an unselfish one, less anxious for favor, rewards, and promotion than to give ser- vice and help, in harmony with noble spirits who loved their country more than life, who toiled and even suffered on in life rather than sought easy death in battle or stooped to cowardly suicide. Whether pagan, agnostic, or Christian, if living to-day, such a patriot knows the reality. The kind of success that Japan has already won sobers him, because of its rapidity and its deception. He knows too well how great is that part of his country's debt which is not expressed in treasury notes. The sort of national success yet to be gained is what he hopes for. The true glory of such men's labor makes stars and medals ridiculous. But "We Japanese," wrote the brain of the Japanese army, the lamented General and Chief of Staff Kodama, only a fortnight before his death, to the writer, [Dr. Griffis] "do not fear criticism; we welcome it most search- ingly, provided it is just." 34 THE FAR EAST THE HOKKU OF BASHO. BY PORTER GARNETT. ^^ M ^ HILE the art of Japan is being variously exploited, her 0 M ^ft literature, not less rich in interest, remains comparatively un- 1 i I known. Sir Edwin Arnold and Lafcadio Hearn have been V^^,^ strongly influenced, and Japanese writers who have essayed English have brought to die Western World some of the flavor and fragrance of their native lore. But aside from the investigations of a few scholars, such as Chamberlain and Satow, and the casual quotations by a number of writers on Japanese subjects, the great volume of Nipponese literature has yet to receive a just recognition abroad. It is the object of the present paper to give to English readers an insight, or rather a glimpse, into one phase of the lyrical literature of Japan. This is the hokku- The hokku, or haikai, as it is sometimes called, is a Japanese verse-form consisting of seventeen rhythmical syllables arranged in sets of five, seven and five, within which meagre compass is expressed an essentially poetic thought. It differs from the imperial uta in the fact that it is written in the vernacular of everyday speech, while the uta — which is also, of greater length, having thirty-one syllables — is cast in the rigid classical idiom. The hokku found its highest expression in the compositions of Basho (1 643-1 694), who wrote in this form with a refinement that has never been equalled. It may seem strange that within such restricted limits there should exist a standard of style, that would distinguish the work of a master from that of all others, but such is the fact. The very minimitude of the form is a challenge to the imagination, and Basho's mastery was little short of the miraculous. Much of the charm and interest of these l'yrics-in-Iittle lies in the fact that in their brevity they are made to connote a wealth of aesthetic and philosophic significance, condensed to the utmost degree and expressed in the simplest possible terms. The hokku is an abstract epitome of poetic conception; a single drop of attar of roses, distilled in the alembic of the poet's mind to be diluted in his reader's soul. That these slender "impressions" should convey so much to the Japanese consciousness is perhaps difficult to understand, but there is one factor in their composition which goes far to explain it. This is in the cadence of the verse, in the musical sequence of the syllables. There is in the Japanese language a quality similar to the onomatopoeia of the Greek, but infinitely more subtle; that is, the sounds of the words themselves produce an emotional suggestion, which, at once, stimulates and soothes the imagination. By virtue of this quality the writer of hokku is able to invest his verse with a harmony of subject, and tone as intimate as the musical treatment of an emotional theme THE FAR EAST 35 by a modern composer. As the thought is grave or gay, so are the phonetic values of the sequent syllables delicately adjusted to the sense. The appeal of the hokku is both subjective and objective. It induces meditation; it con- jures up images concrete and cognate and unfolds vague vistas of the sublime. Poe achieved something analogous in his "Annabel Lee," the beauty of which depends so largely upon its haunting melody. Literal translations of hokku have been made, but it was inevitable that they should fall short of what they sought to express. The accidental mind is incapable of assimilating the alien nuances of Japanese poetry without the training of tradition, or the subtile sensitiveness to sound and suggestion, which the Japanese have in such a rare degree. It is patent, therefore, that some- thing more than a mere conveyance from one language to another is necessary ; something more even than a paraphrase. With this conviction, the writer has attempted to transmute the thought, which he finds expressed in the poetic manner of Japan, and clothe it in the poetic manner of our own tongue, preserving, as far as possible, the feeling and spirit of the original. Although our verbal floriation may be regarded as meretricious when measured by the Japanese ideal — the elegance of simplicity — yet the divergence of media seems to be imperative if the sub-literal significance of the text is to be expressed. The huitaines which follow are based upon literal translations of two hokku of Basho. Tare yara ga Sugata n't nitari Kesa no haru Ah whose presence could it be that the Spring of this morning put me in mind? The word sugata, which is here translated as presence, can not be rendered by any single locution in English. Its full meaning would include form, color, grace, beauty as well as the personality or atmosphere and the endowments of the mind. In this hokku the poet expresses his sentiments as he gazes on the fresh landscape of a Spring morning. The Earth is resplendent with herbage, bedecked with flowers, redolent with perfume. As he stands entranced by the witcheries of the scene, it seems to him that the beauties of the young year resemble the perfections of the one most dear to him. Awake! the Night has gone with Winter's gloom, The Mom and Springtide greet us at the door; Fresh flowers smile from fragrant fields in bloom, A Golden Carpet clothes the Earth's wide Floor. Meseems that Spring this morning holds a store Of memories that mind me much of one Beloved, so like her beauty 'tis, yea more, Her Spirit speaks from Nature to the Sun. Uta no aio Touya Izumo no Yae gasumi. 36 THE FAR EAST The eight shelving mists of Izumo hunt and encompass the foot-prints of poetry. In Japan, the month of October is known as the No-god Moon, because in that season of the year the eight million gods are supposed to assemble in the Province of Izumo. Here the Spring mists, which have ever been one of the chiefest subjects of Japanese poetry, circle about the hillsides in eight filmy layers. To the poet's fancy as he contemplates them in their undulating, opalescent beauty, they seem to embody the records of poetry. Above enchanted Izumo behold The eight-zoned mists are wreathing far and fast In quest of poetry, yet they enfold The rarest riches gathered from her past! Robes radiant wrought on Heaven's Loom and cast Upon the hills in drifting diaphanes, — No volume ever written such a vast And deathless dowery of song contains. Porter Garnett. THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING. BY ASADA MASUO. ^4^^^ HE reading of history both ancient and in the days of its mak- M CT*\ mg 's apt to ma^e one religious. The visit of the American ^L \ battleship fleet to Nippon is an example both timely and to the ^^B^r point — somewhat more eloquent because of the particular point of time it happened, and 'because also of the peculiar com- bination of efforts on the part of the yellow newspapers headed by the New York Herald. CflThe battleship fleet of America came and went; and now not even the New York Herald seems to be eloquent over the sinister and fiendish designs of the people of Nippon against America. Here is one historic incident that a fact actually was louder than even the yellow newspapers. Iflln the course of demonstrations of friendliness of the people of Nippon toward America, and the paternal fondness of America toward Nippon, there was one thing that touched the hearts of the Americans abroad. ^[There is a stretch of yellow sand not far from the harbor of Yokohama — it is called Kurihama. The beach of Kuri sprung very suddenly into historic notoriety. That was in 1854. On its unpretentious beach the officers of the American navy under Com- modore Perry made their landing. That was where they were received by the officers of the Shogunate. ^J Years back, in 1900, when Rear Admiral Beardsley of the American Navy paid us a visit (and you may THE FAR EAST 37 recall that the Rear Admiral was one of the young midshipmen under Commodore Perry on his historic visit to us) the association of enthus- iasts over men and institutions, American, and who had gathered them- selves together under the pleasing title of the "Association of the Friends of America" took up the work of marking the historic beach with a token somewhat worthy of the memory of the American Commodore. The work commenced while Admiral Beardsley was visiting us, was completed on the 14th of July, 1901. €flln passing I may be permitted to add a word as a native of Nippon. This monument which was one of the very first of any type reared in Nippon in memory of a man of foreign birth, is pregnant with varied and deep significance. We, the people of Nippon, call the American Commodore blessed today. Our forefathers of the days of '54 did not think so. To the eminent Nip- ponese of those days Commodore Perry was about as rude a man as they had ever known in or out of history. In the first place our fore- fathers did not extend any invitation to the Commodore to come to visit us. Frankly, although they were too polite to tell him so, they did not wish to see him. They threw at him all the world of hints, and some of those they thought were as apparent as "brick bats." But the Com- modore seemed to have not the slightest perception of so gentle a thing as a hint. With his dignified bearing and not altogether too courteous an expression but which was very clear as to meaning, he told our an- cestors What he wished to have and even before the honored officers of the Shogun could make a decent bow in answer, he never once failed to point to the black muzzles of his guns aboard his ships. CJAnd our forefathers of '54 hated him as cordially as a helpless victim can hate a powerful enemy; and with the officers of the Shogun, an overwhelming majority of the Nipponese paid him a similar compliment. CJTimes have changed. With them, the hearts of the Nipponese also. Like a man looking back upon the early days wherein the rod played so prominent a role, the people of Nippon came to remember the memory of the Ameri- can Commodore with gratitude and appreciation. The memory of the stem master who opened us willy-nilly when we so dearly loved to play the oyster, has come to shine in the beautious light of a benefactor. Hence the monument. CJNow, when the American guests visited the historic spot marked today with the monument reared to the memory of our national benefactor, they saw something more than the monument. The monument in question stood in the center of a small park. The area of this park is 1,200 tsubo (one tsubo equals about four square yards). Now, in Nippon a farmer raises enough sustenance for himself and family on a farm of the size of your lady's handkerchief. CflAnd this 1,200 38 THE FAR EAST tsubo was contributed by the villagers of Kurihama. Tbey are more eloquent than 1 ,200 volumes of eulogium upon the splendid achievements of the American Commodore. All the more striking, almost touching, because these villagers who contributed this very great amount of real estate in honor of the great American are exceedingly simple and primi- tive. They belong to the same class against whom our San Francisco friends give their boot heels so freely under the generous and semi-Chinese title of Coolies. <|The monument bears the inscription in the handwriting of Prince Ito: — "Memory shaft marking the landing spot of Com- modore Perry of the United States of America." ON THE EDUCATION OF THE KOREAN. CJThe education of the Koreans — so Lieutenant General Usakawa who had been despatched to Korea by the government on a special mission of investigation, is reported to have said in his recent interview with a repres- entative of the Tokyo Ashihi — the Korean education has reached the state of greater perfection than hitherto. The whole duty of life with the Korean, it seems, is to secure a government position. This is the reason why there is an astonishing increase in the number of men who are clever with their words. The increase of men of words hardly con- tributes an iota to the cultivation of soil and the development of Korean resources. Moreover, the Korean is very poor in his desire for saving. He has no idea of the accumulation of wealth and property. The Korean works, but only to a certain extent. Beyond that limit which would give him food and raiment for one day, he will not take a single step. If the Korean agriculture be carried on on a profitable basis it must depend altogether on the efforts of the Nippon farmer. ESTABLISHMENT OF A CHINESE LINE. ^ A great deal of talk and agitation on the establishment of a steamship line by the Chinese has at last taken shape. Read in connection with the railway building by Chinese engineers and capital, the establishment of a steamship line adds another emphasis to the seriousness of the awakening of Chinese nationalism. According to the report of the Nippon Consu' General at Shanghai, nine prominent Chinese merchants there have act- ually organized a company under the title of the Middle Country Com- mercial Steamship Company capitalised at 250,000 taels (one-half of which has been paid in). The line of service is between Shanghai and Fuchau touching at Ningpo and between Shanghai and Tientsin touching at Tintau (Kiauchau). They have bought two steamers one of 1,018 tons and the other of 2,000 gross tonnage. =■*. - THE FAR EAST 39 THE DECLINE OF THE TRANSPORTATION BUSINESS BETWEEN EUROPE AND THE FAR EAST. •flFor sometime past die European service has been showing a radically different almost opposite tendency from the American service. Especially has this been true in connection with the business handled by the Nippon Yusen Kaisha. They had twelve steamers of about 6,000 tons each on their regular service between the European and Far Eastern ports. They found them insufficient for the amount of business. They chartered as many as six freighters to handle the cargo for which their regular steamers lacked facility. Now, however, owing to a sudden decline in the impor- tation of machinery and metal manufactures in general, even their regular steamers are not freighted to the utmost capacity. Most of the ships on their return trip from Europe are now carrying about one-third to one- fourth the full cargo they used to carry a few months ago. THE FOREIGN PROFESSORS IN THE IMPERIAL UNIVERSITY, TOKYO. €][In the earlier days of the new regime, following die Restoration of 1 868, almost all the leading chairs in what has now come to be known as the Imperial University were occupied by foreigners. The number of foreign professors at die Imperial University has steadily declined, however. For the past ten years it has been the policy of the Nippon Government to replace the foreign educators by men of Nippon who are thoroughly trained for the position. lIThe prevailing impression in America is that there is not one foreign professor left in the service of the Imperial Uni- versity at the present time. Like so many American impressions of Nippon, it is wrong. There are nine foreigners occupying chairs in the Imperial University at present. Three in the College of Law, one in the College of Engineering, four in the College of Letters, one in the College of Agriculture. Besides these there was until July 1 908 another in the College of Law, but since his return, his successor has not been decided upon. Besides these professors there are five foreign lecturers who deliver special lectures to the students. The average salary paid to the foreign instructors is comparatively higher than that paid to the native professors. Most of these foreigners receive above 500 yen a month ($250.) In the College of Law the professors receive 675 yen ($337.50) ; in the College of Letters there are two who receive 500 and 550 yen respectively; and one 625 yen and another 300 yen. The pro- fessor in the College of Agriculture receives 550 yen per month. Be- sides the monthly salary to those professors who are compelled to live outside of the government quarters, 70 yen per month is allowed for house rent. The government allows also 975 yen ($487.50) travelling 40 THEFAREAST expenses to those who come from Europe and 675 yen to those who come from America. The lecturers, however, receive very much smaller pay as they devote only certain hours per week, and it ranges from 1 00 yen to 450 yen. tjjln the first years of Meiji the contract terms were comparatively long but now it scarcely goes beyond three years. The professor who has been in the employ of the University longest is the gentleman who is now teaching in the College of Law. A VISIT OF AMERICAN BUSINESS MEN TO NIPPON. igtjing frail melobies of long ago. n& rofyen some breaming cl|ilb afcuen- tnres far Sforoarb ttje soft glimmer tuyere tlje fire-flies are, All nnafraib, tje sees tljee in tlje gloom— A smiling. lominoos, bim Aoatar. W onto 3 migljt see wtjat Ijis clear gonng eges see, |let, as for l|im, so gon take form for me, en in tl|e imsk faint memories anil sweet glir at tlje shrilling of tl|g cicabae. aft* 3Par-3fattttb Sapifca of tt\z ijozu %mt an& Atasljigama in tlje Ancient Sfloumr Capital of 2Cgoto. ! Bill Ik- ■K ! 0' tiS jBh ! Just Published In Korea with Marquis Ito BY George Trumbull Ladd, LL. D. Illustrated. $2.50 net. Post paid, $2.70 THE CONTENTS Rulers and People Resources and Finance Education and the Public Justice Foreigners and Foreign Relations Wrongs: Real and Fancied Missions and Missionaries July, 1907, and After The Solution of the Problem The Invitation First Glimpses of Korea Life in Seoul The Visit to Pyeng-Yang Chemulpo and other Places The Departure Personal Reminiscences and Impressions The Problem : Historical The Compact Undoubtedly the most important work on Korea and Japan, as far as their present relations are concerned, that has been brought out. Professor Ladd had, through his relations with Marquis Ito, very exceptional facilities for personal observation in Korea, and unprecedented opportunities for obtaining inside information and accurate knowledge as to the past and present conduct of Japan and her present intentions. Much hitherto unpublished _. material was placed in his hands enabling him to estab- " lish beyond reasonable doubt the truth about certain matters which he discusses in his book. The book is partly the account of personal experience described in a readable and interesting way, and in part a serious first hand discussion of a weighty political problem, and it is consequently of interest both to those who want merely a surface picture of conditions and to those who want to study the problem seriously. No one can, in the future, write history of these events or discuss them with author- ity, without making himself familiar with the views and conclusions of Prof, Ladd in this book. "Written with great care. It is one of the most in- forming books on the East that has yet been published. —Philadelphia Inquirer. 'It cannot fail to be of interest" — Louisville Courier-Journal. King and present King ofKo CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS For the Saving of Both Time and Money, Here is an Offer:— WORLD'S WORK for one year $3.00 \ Our EVERYBODY'S MAGAZINE « <« « 1.50 1 Price THE DELINEATOR <« « - 1.50 for HARPER'S WEEKLY « « « 4.00 } all THE FAR EAST « M « 3.00 1 Five $13.00 / $8.50 j| Through this combination, you may ptL.L y get The Far-' East free and save money also. flAid you will be free for one year on the magazine subscription le-Jon. €j[Ail orderc vfiini be sent through us direct. fj| Address, €HTf %. Far East vublishing Company, The Addison, Detroit, Michigar We desire to obtain February issues of the Pacific Era and will gladly pay forty cents a copy for a limited number. HE most exhaustive history of the Russo-Japanese War from the Russian side: ^^^HE Tragedy of Russia //? Pacific Asia. ^ 1 By Frederick McCormick, the Associated Press ^^H^ Correspondent with the Russian Army. Two large volumes, profusely illustrated with photo* graphs and drawings by the author, and maps, ... $6.00, net rAK tAb 1 Renewal Subs' cription, - $3.00 $9.00 q OUR SPECIAL OFFER FOR THE TWO, $7.50 m OST OF our subscribers began with the first issue of the Magazine! Your subscription will expire with this issue. Send us NOW $7.50 and we shall place in your hand a vivid story of the war, which will remain as standard, and another year of the FAR EAST. {JI This offer is open to those who subscribed with later numbers. Send us $7.50 and we shall send the books and extend your sub- scription one year from the time of expiration. /OL. II. JANUAR 'o. 2. I THE FAR EAST Productive Indus tries of Nippon Autobiography ot Prince Ito. Colonial Policy /of Nippon in Asia. cBy Baron Goto, Minister of Communication. American Fleet in Nippon. Up the Fuji. Pap'er n. Fundamentals of our Diplomatic Policy Toward China. 3?J> Count Okuma. The New East in the Making Sfte gat 6M fiuhtiaijma Qa. DETROIT, MICH., U. S. A. THIRTY CENTS THE COPY. THREE DOLLARS THE YEAR. The Far East Adachi Kinnosukt, Proprietor and Editor JANUARY, 1909 CONTENTS THE DAUGHTER OF A SOLDIER OF NIPPON AT THE FAMILY SHRINE FRONTISPIECE TEMPLE OF HEAVEN D. M. BRUCE (Illustrated) AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUMI Being an account of his life as told by himself, to and recorded by AHASHI ATOWA AMERICAN FLEET IN NIPPON The American Battleship Fleet . . (Illustrated) COLONIAL POLICY OF NIPPON IN ASIA BARON GOTO Minister of Communication PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRIES OF NIPPON By Mr. Kume, the Second Secretary of Agriculture and Commerce. Being a free translation of a speech made by the Second Secretary recently. MR. KUME SAKUMA SUKENARI The Story of a Japanese Outlaw. ADACHI KINNOSUKE UP THE FUJI— Paper II HARA TORO (Illustrated) FUNDAMENTALS OF OUR DIPLOMATIC POLICY TOWARD CHINA COUNT OKUMA AMERICAN NIPPON UNDERSTANDING THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING ASADA MASUO (Illustrated) China and Her Nai/y. . The Future of the Iron Works in Nippon. New Puritanism in the New East. Establishment of Nippon Lead Pencil Manufacturing Co. On Korean Railways. The Passing of Field-Marshal Marquis Nozu. THE PICTURE STORY OF THE CULTURE OF RICETN NIPPON TITLE PAGE Copyright, 1908, by The Far East Publishing Co Entered as second-class matter July 9, 1908, at the post office at Detroit, Mich. Published Monthly by The Far East Publishing Co The Addison, Detroit, Mich., U. S. A. THE DAUGHTER OF A SOLDIER OF NIPPON AT THE FAMILY SHRINE. ■——■■■ urn hi—iiiiimiih TEMPLE OF HEAVEN. 5[lj£ tytmph nf ipatten*. % 9. H. Icuce Sftet} raised a Sample, all of marble uiljite, Uitlj roofs of deepest blue, tl|at ma&e tlje skg Hook pale at noontide,- built it trouuh auh Sfo guarb tlje tablets for tlje sacreb rite; Aui> uear it staufcs tlje perfect marble sljriue, UljoBe tljreefotfn terraces are Ijolg grouub, illjiclj guarleft aufc aucieut cgpress-trees surrouub, ©u tutjiclj tt|e raiu mag fall mh suu may sljiue. Bjere, at tlje solstice of tlje comiug gear, Ufjile iuceuse burus iu sacrificial feast, JCueeletlj tl|e louelg ruler of the J;ast, Sfo worship for Ijis people far auft uear,™ ije fastiug, till across tlje bark a rag ©f golbeusuusljiue floois tlje hreakiugfcag. C^ The Far East Vol. II. January, 1909. No. 2 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PRINCE ITO HIROBUML* Being an account of his life as told by himself to and recorded by OHASHI OTOWA. IX. FTER the return of Kido from his European trip, he drew up a memorial — I have not a copy of it here and therefore cannot enter into its details but in the main it embodied the resul* ri. *«j European observations. He h*"1* read carerully tne progress of Luroptdi* civilization; he drew valuable lessons from his analysis of the origin and cause of the fall of such states as Poland. He took the ground that unless Nippon would develop the intelligence and promote the culture of her people and lay the foundation of State in education, there was a grave danger threatening the future of our country. Unless we succeeded in increasing the knowledge of our people, it would be difficult to make our country stand shoulder to shoulder with the rest of the great powers of the world. He emphasized also the unity of our people between the higher and the lower classes as one of the essentials. From this, it is evident that in the mind of Kido the inauguration of a constitutional govern- ment in Nippon through gradual and natural processes had its inception. I think this memorial of Kido appeared in one of the Yokohama foreign papers in its English translation. Working out his conviction that the matter of prime importance, at that time, was to develop the knowledge of our people; immediately after his return from abroad covering the years of the 6th and the 7th of Meiji (1873-4), he published a newspaper; I have forgot the name of it. The paper in question went through repeated change of names, but managed to continue its publication. In those days there was no newspaper in Nippon in the proper sense of the word and there was no governmental assistance given to such an enterprise. In the 9th year of Meiji ( 1 876) His Majesty, the Emperor, made his tour through the provinces of Ou, (in the northern part of Nippon). At the time Kido had resigned from the office of Sangi and was the Counsellor to the Cabinet. On this imperial tour, Prince Iwakura and Kido received command to accompany His Majesty, and I think Okubo who was at the * Translated by Adachi Kinnosuke. Copyright 1908, by Adachi Kinnosuke. ' /& 5 THE FAR EAST time Minister of the Interior was ordered to be his Imperial herald. Now Kido admu-ed Prince Sanjo exceedingly; as for Prince Iwakura, owing to die Taiwan (Formosa) affair, for which Kido resigned his cabinet position, his relations with the Prince were not the most pleasant. On the occasion of the Impend tour however, they had many opportunities for frank exchange of ideas and this tour removed the misunderstanding between the two com- pletely. His Majesty boarded the vessel at Aomori. The entire northern section of Nippon was included in this Imperial tour except Hokkaido and the pre- fecture of Akita. It was ordered that we should cover the portions not included in the Imperial tour. Therefore Prince Sanjo, Yamagata and myself and Terashima took up the journey. Both Mutsu and Ozaki ac- companied this «^'.;s,?n- While we were stopping at Fukushima, o" jur trip home, after having finished our toiif uh^igV Hokkaido, we received a tele- graphic report of the Kumamoto uprising (which has passed into history under the name of the rebellion of the Shimpuren*). It made us return suddenly. Immediately after the pacification of the revolt, we had the affair of Maebara and of Higo which was followed by the Satsuma Rebellion of the 1 Olh of Meiji. My relations with Okubo were not of long standing. Our intimate friend- ship dates back to the European embassy of the 4th of Meiji (1871). Since that time until his death, I always consulted Okubo on almost all matters. In Okubo was the combination of careful thought and decisive de- termination. He was not a man to do anything thoughtlessly. He was rich in that ability of weighing everything seriously. At the same time whenever any difficulty arose, he was the very first man to face it. In those days preceding the Restoration, there were many affairs in which Okubo took prominent part in behalf of his own clan. At the time of the Restoration — it was largely due to the decision of Okubo and his comrades that the forces of Satsuma and Ohoshu fought the second entry of Tokugawa Keiki [into Kyoto]. Up to the fourth of Meiji his achievements were signal both in clan affairs and in the affairs of the nation. Then his visit to Europe and his observations of the affairs of different countries widened the scope of his vision exceedingly. His European trip aroused within him a conviction that it was *Shimpuren (Divine Wind-Party) or Keishinto (Revere-gods Party) as it was some- times called, were conservatives who disliked the progressive policies and tendencies of the Meiji government. Some two hundred of them under the leadership of Ono Teppei, a samurai of the Kumamoto clan, rose in revolt. It was in the month of October of the 9th year of Meiji (1875). They set fire to the city in the night and attacked the unsuspecting garrison of Kumamoto and succeeded in murdering Lieutenant-Colonel Takashima and 64 men. A little later in the same night, they murdered the Commandant Taneda Seimei at his home. They also attacked the house of the governor of Kumamoto, wounding hire severely. But the following day the soldiers of the Kumamoto garrison were ordered out and sup- pressed the insurrection speedily. ft—-—-^ THE FAR EAST 51 imperative for Nippon to adopt the European culture and civilization. The result and upshot of it all became apparent in his determined stand against the Korean Expedition policy. At the time of the Rebellion of Saga, Okubo himself, as the Minister of the Interior, shouldered the work of suppressing the rebellion. He went to the front. Following that, when the Taiwan (Formosa) affair arose, he begged again to face the difficult situation himself. At all times under every circumstance, one can see that Okubo always threw himself into the most difficult situation and never once thought of shirking responsibility, and perhaps he was distinguished among men for this one peculiar and heroic trait. Okubo, in those days when he served as the Minister of Interior, projected a large number of enterprises with the idea of encouraging the industrial and productive activities of the country. Unhappily in the 7th year of Meiji, there was the uprising of Saga and the trouble with Taiwan and in the 8th of Meiji, we had the Kokwa affair in Korea, and in the 9th year of Meiji, there were the disturbances in the country of Higo and the Rebellion of Maebara. In short, those were the days when our country knew not what peace meant. Naturally all his efforts in encouraging industrial activities of our country were ineffective. This failure was also due to the primitive con- condition of the knowledge of our people. In the Rebellion of the 10th of Meiji*, Okubo and myself went to *The Civil War of the 10th of Meiji which has passed into history under the name of Seinanno-et(i was the last expression of the discontented element among the Satsuma samurai against the policy of administration of the time. In 1873, their great leader Saigo Takamori resigned from office. It was over the Korean Expedition question. Almost since the days of the gods Korea had always been the source of trouble. The peninsula had always occupied the anomalous position of serving two masters. It was subjugated by Nippon and China by turns and for some time was wont to pay tribute at both courts at one and the same time. Since the first year of Meiji, however, our government after the restoration of the Emperor to power, made repeated advances with the view of recognizing her as a sovereign and independent state. As long as she remained independent, our country was comparatively safe. In those days, the greatest enemy we feared was China. As long as Korea continued to be a dependency of China, the one formidable antagonist of ours of those days could have placed a large army in the Korean Peninsula before we could find out what was happening. Our advances, however, met with nothing more kindly than the Korean contempt. The Koreans seemed to take special delight in heaping all sorts of indignities upon us largely through the Chinese inspiration. Then too, Taiwon Kun, the reigning King of Korea at the time, was violently anti-foreign in his views and did not think much of the new changes which were being made in our own country. The act of opening our country to foreign intercourse was the one unforgiveable sin in the eyes of His Korean Majesty. In November of the first year of Meiji (1868) our government, through Mune, Lord of Tsushima, tried to present an official communication announcing the restoration of power from the Shogun to the Emperor. That was a beautiful, almost providential opportunity for his gracious Korean Majesty to give us a piece of his royal mind. Our envoy was subjected to all manner of indignities and our official communication treated with utmost contempt. Koreans refused to receive it point blank and sent it back. Soejima, who was in Pekin, sounded the Chinese on their attitude toward the Korean government. He found that China was not in the mood of taking over the troubles of Korea, although she was perfectly willing to receive tributes from her and claim Korea as her dependency. Here then, according to 52 THE FAR EAST Osaka and attended to all the business of the government. After peace was restored, we summoned the convention of the local authorities and were about to open the first chapter in the systematic improvement of local administration. It was just at that critical hour, unhappily, Okubo was assassinated. Of the many great powers with which Okubo was endowed, the ability of main- taining the most difficult situations in tact was prominent, and he lived in the days which might be called the most critical in the life of Nippon. The first of January of the 10th of Meiji (1877) was the day appointed for the commemoration feast of the late Emperor Komei, [the father of the reigning Emperor]. His Majesty was to visit Kyoto [the ancient capital city of the Mikado until 1868]. At the same time the railroad between Kobe and Kyoto had just been completed and it was decided to take advan- tage of this imperial visit to Kyoto to carry out the opening ceremonies of the railway. After the august ceremonies attendant upon the memorial service of Emperor Komei on the 5th of February, His Majesty made his entry into Kobe on his way back to the capital. It was there that the first news of the Satsuma Rebellion was received. At that stage however, it was not quite clear as to the nature and scope of the uprising. We were told that the rebels seized the arsenal; the report showed the gravity of the situation. In his imperial visit to the shrine of Yamato, Prince Sanjo and Kido accom- panied His Majesty. Yamagata and myself remained at Kobe and the rebellion developed. During the progress of the war of the 1 0th of Meiji, Kido took ill and died. Meanwhile communication with the Kamamoto castle was opened and the rebels retreated in the direction of Higo. From that time on, the work of subjugation was considerably simplified. Therefore His Majesty departed from Kyoto and returned to Tokyo and all of us had the honor of accom- panying him home. The Kogoshima Rebellion was completely pacified and in the spring of the 1 1 th of Meiji, we opened the convention of the local au- Soejima and his colleagues, was the one opportunity of solving the difficulty. Saigo was the dominant personality in those days in all affairs. He was the leader of the Korean- Expedition party. Saigo was more than a soldier; he had the eye of a political prophet; and he saw that Korea was the source of all evils, political, as far as Nippon was concerned. It was the contention of Saigo that we must have Korea if we wished for permanent peace. He held that unless we were well entrenched in Korea, we were forever at the mercy of the tremendous power of China when, any day, she sees fit to crush us with her countless millions. In the light of later history it is not difficult now to read the wisdom of the prophetic vision of Saigo. Had our country adopted the measures of Saigo and the Korean Expedition Party it may have taxed us a good deal for a time, but certainly our country would have saved the two great wars of recent years. Saigo begged to shoulder the responsibility of facing the difficulty: he himself would go to Korea. Not necessarily to fight, but if need be, he was perfectly willing to put his life and the fate of his country into the hands of his Satsuma boys. Korea had been a dependency of Nippon; let her acknowledge now the sovereignty of Nippon over her. Let her make befitting apologies for her insolence and acknowledge, in due form, her dependency on Nippon. It was at that juncture that the European Mission headed by Prince Iwakura came home. The leading members of the European mission, especially Okubo and Kido, THE FAR EAST 53 thorities. It was while the convention was nearing its close that Okubo was assassinated. In this manner the great leaders passed away. I succeeded Okubo and received the portfolio of the Minister of the Interior. The question that arose at the time was how to meet the violent fall in our paper currency. Opinions were divided on whether or not we should redeem our currency by raising a foreign loan. My views did not coincide with those of Okuma — my idea was to effect the redemption by economy and finally we did not borrow any money because my views were adopted by His Majesty. I think that was in die 13th year of Meiji. In the following year, the 1 4th, there was an imperial tour through Hokkaido and the estab- lishment of the Kaitakushi [a commission for the development of Hokkaido], It was in this year that the imperial rescript was issued announcing the in- auguration of the constitutional government nine years hence or in the 23rd year of Meiji [1890]. In the 15th year of Meiji, we felt the necessity of investigating carefully into the details of the constitutional government; the administration therefore, entrusted me with the work of investigation. I made a tour of study and investigation abroad, and devoted myself to a great deal of detail study. In Germany, first of all, I took up the investigation under the guidance of Prof. Kneist. He was one of the greatest scholars of Germany and was then a professor in the Berlin University. His lectures and explanations helped me much. Having shouldered upon myself boldly the task of laying the foundation of political Nippon, I spared myself no pains. From the German constitution, I passed into the study of that of Great Britain. After that, I went to Austria. There I met Mr. Stein and I studied under him almost every phase except the details of local adminis- tration. I had Mikiji [Baron Ito Mikiji who served as our special envoy at the Chifu Conference where the final treaty of peace between China and Nippon was ratified concluding the China-Nippon War] take down the lectures of Mr. Stein which he delivered to us and preserved them in a book undoubtedly the two greatest personages of the day except Saigo, opposed the Korean expedition measure. Their reason was that the domestic reforms of Nippon called for immediate attention; that the country was in no condition to carry on a foreign war. They were drunk with the splendor of European achievements which they had just seen. They wished to graft the flower of Western culture with all the eagerness and impatience of a new convert. They could not see how any men of ability in the Nippon of those days could find time to discuss an expedition to Korea when they had so many things to do at home. And the peace measure of Okubo and Kido won the day. Saigo at once resigned his office and retired to his native clan of Satsuma. With him a large number of eminent statesmen and soldiers of the time. After his retirement, Saigo established a private school where he taught the youth of Satsuma. It was more than a mere school; it was the school in the most correct and vital sense of the word; it was the factory where were manufactured two of the rarest commodities in life: man and the ideal. Some have accused Saigo of turning his private school into a nursery for his political ambitions. An error. He has ever been ready and anxious to hang up his official cap, as the Chinese would say. The great work of Restoration done, all that he asked was to devote his life in peace to his favorite pastime, — of teaching his boys and enjoying his leisure in the company of his gun and his dogs on his happy hunting ground. When Maebara rose in revolt, it was evident that he /£ 54 THE FAR EAST form. It made an admirable work on the philosophical discussion of the fundamental principles of state; but somehow I have misplaced it. In con- nection with this, I also gathered a large quantity of material as the result of my investigations into the foreign affairs, the financial, legal, naval, military, educational and judicial departments of state. One might look upon this period covering from the first to the 1 0th year of Meiji, as the period of the restoration of imperial power. The period from the 10th to the 22nd year of Meiji can be styled as the preparatory period for the constitutional government. In this period immediately after the pacification of the Satsuma Rebellion, the government opened the Convention of the local authorities and adopted the policy of training the people in the ways of representative government. At the same time it attempted to restore order in every department of domestic administration. In our finance alone, exceeding difficulty was experienced. At the time when the wealth of the people was still undeveloped we had the misfortune of meeting a great war and after expending so much national treasure, it was natural that we re- quired a deal of time to recover from disastrous effects. And it was in those difficult years that we succeeded in completing the preparation for the intro- duction and establishment of the constitutional government. depended much on the assistance and co-operation of Saigo. But Saigo would have none of it. In the revolt of Saga, it was due to the great personal influences of Saigo that his men under him kept away from the insurgents. Among the Satsuma men, however, under Saigo, there were many who were not at all pleased with the manner in which the govern- ment of the time treated their master. Those malcontents among Satsuma men under Saigo were watching for the coming of an opportunity to rise against the administration. Such opportunity came to them when the government sent down a prominent officer to Satsuma. They accused the government of sending this officer for the sole purpose of assassinating their beloved master, Saigo. At the critical hour Saigo was, as was his wont, afield with his gun and dogs. The great hand of Saigo was lacking to stay the young blood of his men. They rose at once and lost no time in attacking and occupying the arsenal. The news reached Saigo; he hastened home. He was too late. He saw it; things had gone too far. Without a murmur, the great and generous leader shouldered the odium and took upon himself the fatal consequences of his young boys' faults. All that he asked of life was that he be permitted to share in the fate of his men whom he loved. The great heart of Saigo was not in the struggle; he saw only one result at the end of the mad cause his young men had espoused. And he took the defeat with a smile. On the 24th of September, 1877, he, in company with his boys, at Shiroyama, died with his own sword. And the Rebellion of Satsuma passed into history. '' /£ . . --.VWUXSi H4-Sl|ta«4-*te!B«<^ J tt « ' t) Ji I H O o m M e i s fefl •£ as to ^ 3 5 P *2 o P ■P P «5 C3 ~} P. o 15 o 5 — *S ,0 s g ® .2 5 § 5 03 O r~ Su .s o o g ^ 00 c2 a p ?! - a,' ^ P -9 5 ,_ o •C rri JS c 1* — ' 2 © s 5 © is — © 2 GQ i ^ ■& *> -s { i § 2 -i - 2 — r *; J; b ilh Commodore Perry's visit to this country some fifty years ago, photographs of the officers and ships of the Japanese reception Fleet, a map of the city of Tokyo Vtith a detailed guide to places of interest, etc. THE AMERICAN BATTLESHIP FLEET. To-day there arrives in Yokohama a welcome guest from a most friendly nation, for whose coming the Japanese people, high and low, have waited over half a year. It was at 1 0 on the morning of the 1 6th December, last year, in the midst of great roar of guns at Fort Monroe, that the American Fleet of Battleships weighed anchor and left Hampton Roads for its cruise in the Pacific. This morning at 1 0 o'clock, again in the midst of great roar of guns, the Fleet drops anchor in the waters of Tokyo Bay, greeted with the most enthusiastic welcome. Ten months, or more accurately, 306 days have sped by from then till now and the distance covered by the Fleet has been 28,000 miles. We know of no other instance in which such a great fleet has .success- fully accomplished such a great voyage. Not only that, the fact that the Fleet without the least mishap and strictly on schedule time, not affected in the least by the state of the weather or by changing climes, has accomplished its unprecedented cruise with unparallelled success, proves the perfection of organization and discipline of the American Navy and shows how highly competent a corps of officers are the Commander of the Fleet downward and what training and discipline is maintained among the crews. It goes without saying that the heroes of such a wonderful feat, no matter to what country they belong, are entitled to a most cordial welcome from our people. But the Fleet, the heroes are those from the land of our most trusted friends, who have come great distances to pay us a visit, and it behoves us that we receive them with the most hearty welcome and utmost hospitality. As with H.M. the Emperor himself, so the whole Japanese nation, Government and people, have for months past been busy completing the preparations for the reception of this great guest, and this is only as it should be. As to the Jiji Shimpo, it was among the first of those who strongly hoped for the coming of the Fleet. Indeed, as soon as it became known last year, that the Atlantic Squadron of the United States Navy was going to pay a visit to the Pacific Coast of America, this journal expressed the hope that the Fleet might ex- tend its cruise to those waters so that we might be given an opportunity to exchange friendly greetings, and this in spite of the circumstance that the general understanding at the time was that the Fleet would confine itself to ■ — .+ 1 *■*• « * < • m .» • « «.;* < «■ ri JUS t. W » THE FAR EAST 57 a cruise to San Francisco and neighborhood. The same hope it expressed more than once afterward in its columns. Last spring the American Govern- ment decided that the Fleet extends its voyage to the Philippines, and subse- quently in response to the cordial invitation of the Imperial Government, the President of the Republic, ever ready to reciprocate our friendly wishes, ordered the Fleet to pay us a visit. Thus was secured a beginning for the realization of this journal's earnest hope, which culminates in the present arrival of the Fleet. This journal has therefore, the greatest of reasons to note the present occasion with the deepest of satisfaction. This day as the Japanese nation rises to welcome the great Fleet, it can- not help recalling the past. It was an American fleet, which, half a century ago, rousing us from the sleep of seclusion of 300 years, explained to us the benefits of foreign intercourse and paved the way for the introductbn of an isolated island Empire of the far Orient to the family of civilized nations. In 1853 Commodore Perry of the United States came to Uraga, Soshu, with a fleet of four warships and bearing his President's letter sought to negotiate /or the opening of this country. The following year he again came and this time succeeded in concluding a treaty of friendly intercourse with the Shogu- nate Government. This was the very first treaty that Japan ever exchanged with any foreign country. Three years later in 1857 the second American Envoy came to us in the person of Townsend Harris and through him a treaty of commerce was signed between the two countries. Mr. Harris was sub- sequently appointed the first Minister of the United States to Japan, and he moved to Yedo, the name at that time of the present capital. This was again the first treaty of commerce Japan ever concluded with a foreign nation and Townsend Harris was the first foreign Minister to reside in the metropolis, It was, thus, by America that the first chapter of the history of Japan's open- ing to foreign intercourse was written. As we recall the events of those days we cannot but be struck by the kindly, painstaking manner in which the early American representatives to this country persuaded and initiated us into the mysteries of foreign intercourse; their attitude was like that of a father to his son and a teacher to his pupil. Their ways were totally unlike those of the representatives of some other Powers who were wont to have recourse to threats and intimidation. It is these things that have appealed to our appre- ciation and which will be gratefully remembered by us in our remotest posterity. In going over President Filmore's letter which Commodore Perry brought to Japan on his first voyage, one can see the real motives of the American Government in sending out the mission. The letter intimates that in dispatch- ing Commodore Perry the American Government harbours no intention other than to tell that Japan and America should cultivate friendship and enter into 58 THE FAR EAST trade relations. It emphatically says die Constitution and law of America forbid interfering with the religion and politics of other nations and that Com- modore Perry is strictly instructed not to allow any of his officers and men to engage in any act disturbing to die peace and tranquility of Japan. In another passage referring to the importance of international commerce, it pro- poses that, if Japan does not wish to abandon her long established policy of seclusion, she might still consent to an understanding for five or ten years and if she should find the arrangement of disadvantage to herself she might at die end of that time again close her doors. It will be seen, thus, that the Ameri- can Government was from the first actuated by the spirit of kindness and nothing else. Consequently the first treaty signed was far more liberal in protecting Japan's interests, than those which were afterwards concluded with other countries. As for Townsend Harris, it is remembered he was most candid and sympathetic in counselling and advising our authorities, while on the other hand he stood between our Government and die other foreign repre- sentatives and was most painstaking in persuading the latter to exercise patience toward our uninformed authorities. It was a time of troubles within and worries without for Japan and had it not been for such friendly attitude as was shown by the first American Minister, no one knows what might have befallen Japan. Every time our thoughts return to this point we as a nation cannot help being made intensely conscious of die boundless obligations we owe America. In fifty odd years great changes have come over the affairs of the world, especially over those of Japan; but the friendly relations of America and Japan have suffered no change. Instead they have grown closer and more cordial with the years that come and go. What Japan is to-day and why Japan's relations with America are so felicitous all come, it may be said, from the awakening given by Commodore Perry's fleet to Japan's long night's sleep. Now we see 1 6 battleships of 230,000 tons in all, representing the power and grandeur of the American Navy steam into the Bay of Tokyo and along side our Reception Squadron, the pick and flower of the Imperial Navy take berth in the waters of Kurihama, a place which will forever be remembered as the anchorage of Commodore Perry's fleet and where he negotiated for the opening of the country, and also Kanagawa, where the first treaty of foreign intercourse was signed. The sight cannot but transport us into the realm of revery on the past and present. We feel assured that the visit of Admiral Sperry's fleet will have die effect of making still more closer the friendly relations of the two countries which have been growing closer and closer since the days of the visit of Commodore Perry and the thought fills us with a feeling of irrepressible joy. Practical training is, as we understand, die main object of the American Fleet; but since its departure from its home waters the reception it has 'been IJI SHIMPO FLEET SUPPI. GREETINGS FROM THREE ADMIRALS The three Admirals, Togo, Yamarrtdto and Saito send greetings to the Fleet, specially through the columns of this journal, as will be found below. Greeting from Admiral Count Togo. ■ I heartily rejoice in welcoming the visit to these shores of the magnificen fleet of the great country whose cordial and friendly relations with us are traditional, after a successful cruise unprecedented in the aunals of the world. I avail myself of this opportunity to express my sincere hope that the navies of the two nations may serve as links to further cement the ties of mutual eeteem and affection already existing between us. {autograph) Admiral Count Yamamoto's Warm Welcome to the Fleet It fs extremely gratifying that we now have the chance to welcome the magnificent fleet that has been sent by the United States to strengthen the already existing close friendship between the two countries. The fine ships a^d the brave sailors of the Fleet will call forth th,e profound admiration and esteem of our people and -they will be received everywhere with heart and bou1. We can not but feel deep joy when we think of the happy future which ^hould naturally follow this pleasant call. Admiral Count G. B. Yamamoto, • THE FAR EAST 59 accorded in South America and Australasia has been a series of ovations and there can be no doubt that its call has had the effect of promoting the friendly relations of America with ev^ry country it has visited. As to the Fleet's visit to this country it is almost entirely apart from the main object of the cruise and forms a matter of friendly courtesy. It is, therefore, all the more acceptacle and will undoubtedly be most conspicuously happy in its result. The cordiality of the friendship of America and Japan is based on the traditional and historic relations of the two countries as above stated. None- theless it is an impressive fact that the two have between them the great Pacific which nothing can remove, and being joined together by this excellent geogra- phical bond they are naturally guided by similar state principles and policies thereby leading to the sincerity of their mutual trust and reliance. The un- surpassed channel of friendly intercourse providence has provided for the two countries will forever remain unaltered. The peace of the Pacific and the knot of fellowship between the East and West which is tied in this part of the globe are to be maintained and promoted by the joining of hands between America and Japan and we firmly believe that they will not be affected by any local incident of a temporary nature. The meeting to-day of the navies of the two countries in friendly embrace may well be said to be emblematic of the embrace of the two peoples over the Pacific. Warships are, indeed weapons of war ; but saluting and saluted, the two fleets to-day, become instru- ments of peace. The American Fleet may be said to have come on a great mission of bringing a message of peace. We rejoice in the thought that this visit will add a new chapter to the history of the traditional friendship of the two peoples. Let the welcome and hospitality we extend to this rare visitor be the most elaborate and lavish, that we may only regret we cannot do more. Be that as it may, our Government and people, high and low, will, neverthe- less, do their utmost Our fear is, however, that, the visitors' stay being only for a few days and their number unprecedented, being over 1 0,000, may find our preparations very inadequate and the differences of language and manners and customs may prevent us from conveying to our guests our sense of joy and good will in all its fervour and sincerity. But it is our fervent wish that the Commander in Chief of die Fleet and all his officers and men will accept not so much the form of our welcome and hospitality as the spirit in which they are extended to them. We shall take great pleasure in presenting souvenir post cards, with our compliments, to the officers of the Fleet and their wives. 60 THE FAR EAST COLONIAL POLICY OF NIPPON IN ASIA. BY BARON GOTO, MINISTER OF COMMUNICATION. XT goes without saying that the fruit of our victorious campaign is to place in the hands of our country the territory in which she may work out her imperial colonial policy. In using this expression, I do not mean the restricted portion in our neigh- boring states in which we could plant a small colony. The sphere in which Nippon is invited to carry out her colonial policy includes all that section of the Asian continent which has come to us either under tha terms of lease, or as a protectorate, or as a newly annexed territory. The one stereotyped and iron clad policy cannot be carried out in any and every section of these territories which have come under our influence. Neverthe-: iless, we may be permitted to discuss the general colonial policy of our Imperial Government, throughout the entire territory within our sphere. - In discussing the colonial policy, one must always bear in mind that the program must of necessity vary ; not only that but also it will be ever-changing, because the conditions prevailing in the different sections of the country to which the colonial policy is to be applied are constantly changing. More- over, the expansion program of Nippon at the present time is such that it cannot be stated with any accuracy, or even probability, as to what to-morrow may bring forth. To start with, it is evident that the one thing upon which the harvest of a victorious campaign depends, is the right solution of the colonial policy. The full discussion therefore and right solution of the colonial policy of the Imperial government is by far the most important question that is calling for serious consideration of the country after the war. Let us review in brief the attitude of the public toward the colonial policy of our government. Public indifference on this vital question is surprising. It is unexpected and utterly bewildering. There are many financiers, many economists; they say many things, write a good deal, and pray, what do they discuss, day in and day out? Principally, it is the national debt, or the revenue, or the economical conduct of the administration. Some of them go into the discussion of pro- ductive industries, of transportation facilities and of communication. All these are important topics. But why this singular silence on the vital question of our colonial policy. It is all the more surprising, because among these men who are writing on economic and industrial "topics of our country, there are those Who are rich in experience, broad in their views. If you wish to read the indifference of our people you need not go farther than a book-shop. Scarcely can you find a work of any importance published by a man of ability integrity and authority, embodying the result of careful study on this point. THE FAR EAST J>1 There are a few books, to be sure written on the colonial policy of Nippon, but they are mostly technical work or bear on the general aspects and princi- ples involved. They talk whether it is right or whether it is wrong, whether we have a right or whether we do not have a right to colonize this, that; and the other portion of Korea and Manchuria. And even these are written by men who are unknown and incapable. We have never heard of a village school-master or a clerk in office who brought about the right solution of the world's problems. I have often asked the question; why it is that this paramount question, the right solution of which should be one of the pillars in the construction of a Greater Nippon after the war, should thus be delegated to such a hopeless limbo of indifference. This indifference on the colonial policy of our country is fatal, because the indifference strikes at the root. One would laugh at a farmer who did not take the trouble of examining into the quality of soil, who is utterly indifferent as to the nature of the seeds he sows, indifferent to the soil in which he sows the seeds, and who at the same time expects a splendid harvest in the seasons to come. The Nippon of to-day can be likened to such a farmer. Before us is an imperative duty of paying back an enormous national debt, which the war has forced upon our backs. Moreover, we owe a debt of duty to those men who paid, and so generously too, the high price of their blood, in the critical hour of our state, that she may become great in the days to come. We must reap the greatest harvest out of this tremendous expenditure both in money and blood, and How? is or should be the question of the day. Is it by discussing ever- lastingly how we can cut down the expenses of State, how we could manage what little money we have left, and always taxing our minds and attention with the negative side of the administrative functions of State? Such policies in my judgment, would bring forth a harvest meet for the small hearted, and those of small courage. If it is true that the first duty of State in these constructive years following the war, is to make the result of the victorious campaign tell, and tell to the utmost for the betterment and for the enlargement, not only of our national prestige, but of national resources, I hold that the prime attention should be paid to the discussion, and to the discovery of the right solution of the colonial policy of our government First of all we must plan our colonial policy on a large scale. We expect a great deal, let us sow rightly and extensively. We must not be cowardly, we must not be shrinking. We must command, bstead of being enslaved by the order of things, by what the days are bringing to us. It is necessary that we should throw into this enterprise without stint, no small amount of capital. Wherever we find an opportunity on any section of our territory calling for extensive investment, let us not hesitate. Wherever there 62 THE FAR EAST are dormant resources, let us expand them. Wherever we find the fountains of wealth, let us not stop too long in discussing how limited are our powers in dealing with such sources of wealth. We have placed ourselves in such a situation that we cannot go back, neither can we tail off the world procession, which is traveling at no slow pace. In stating my position in this manner from the outset, I am aware that I shall not be happy enough to command the instant approval of the economists and financiers of our country. When Formosa came under the control of our Imperial government and became a portion of our country, we saw the attitude of the people. It was clearly shown then what difficulties there were in settling the colonial policy of our country. There were men in those days who looked upon Formosa as a burden, as a great tax on the mother country, a burden and tax which disordered her financial and economic conditions, and in fact were a telling blow on the resources and the financial ability of the mother country. Such misgivings have not been confined to our country alone. The same dread that the colonies would tax the mother country be- yond her ability, was seen in England also. At any rate, there was a certain humber of financiers and economists who not only looked upon Formosa as a tax upon the mother country, but who tried their best to agitate and propogate their views among the people, and created a national skepticism on this question. This unrest and skepticism over die ability of the mother country in conducting the affairs of the dependency, threw endless obstacles in the path of successful solution of the colonial policy of Nippon in Formosa. To such an extent has the skepticism of the people prevailed, that at that time it forced the men in office to pay their entire attention to the right solution of the Formosan problem along only the one line, namely, — to bring about the economic and financial independence of the colony. Instead, therefore, of looking at the colonization problem from a larger standpoint of view, instead of throwing into the colonial undertaking the adequate attention and capital Which were absolutely necessary to bring about sufficiently great results from such an undertaking, the government was compelled to devote its entire attention to the plan of working out a financial and economic independence of the colony with as little expenditure as possible, and as quickly as possible. The crime of having forced such foolish and short-sighted policy toward Formosa is entirely due to the class of financiers and economists who did their best in alarming the public confidence in the ability of the mother country in solving her colonial program. At present time, Formosa has worked out her financial independence. There are people who look upon it as a great success and triumph. But the mere fact of having attained a financial or economic independence, does it really spell the success of a colony? In my judgment, this view of our administration in Formosa is not only a serious blunder, as far as Formosa in THE FAR EAST 63 particular is concerned, but such conception of affairs, leaves a great and fatal precedent that would affect not only our policies toward Formosa, but toward all the other colonies and sections of the territory open to our colonial enterprise. In the second place, let us say, and very kindly, one thing: The sphere in which we are today invited to carry out our colonial policy, is indeed such that we must look upon it as an arena of international competition. The sphere we are discussing, is one in which we are of necessity compelled to struggle in competition with a number of other powers which are also trying to exert their powerful influence. The section of territory under consideration is of the nature wherein the people are not at all partial to any one country. On the contrary, they are ready to be up in arms against any country, if they see a sign of unfriendliness from such state. These are the territories in which the fittest who succeeds in satisfying the people and the market, is likely to survive. Look at Cuba, Hawaii, Philippine Islands, and look at Korea and Manchuria; one and all they are the territories in which the inter- national competition of more than one power, is admitted. Between them and the mother countries which claim the dominant influences and interests over the territories mentioned, there seems to be no end of misunderstanding, no end of complication. Difficulties are arising from taxation of various kinds, from different conditions that are purely local. In these territories where such conditions prevail, the narrow and small policies of everlastingly bringing about the financial independence of colonies is the mother of all evils and misunderstandings. It put the people of such territories in opposition to the mother country. The period of disorder would naturally and necessarily be prolonged; such prolongation would mean additional expenditure, and in the end become more expensive to the mother country than a broader policy. Moreover, all this expenditure would be powerless to nullify the hostile senti- ment and attitude of the natives. On the contrary, such expensive period of delay would bring about evil results. One may suggest the application of a legal process by which to suppress and awe the sentiments and wishes of the natives, and thereby bring forth order. That by no means establishes how- ever, the prestige of the mother country among the natives. It results only in driving a simple and child-like race to taste the curious doctrine of personal rights, while they do not understand, neither do they digest. As the result of it all they develop a power of resistance against the authority, on the one hand, and on the other, a quarrelsome habit among themselves of going to court for everything. In short, such regime usually ends in creating a people very difficult to administer. That is the reason why in the colonial experiences of different powers, much useless expenditure has been wasted in soothing or suppressing hostile natives of different colonies. The victims in most cases are a simple and ignorant people who commit no crime, but suffer all the 64 THEFAREAST evil consequences of ignorance and blunders of the colonial policies of different powerful States. This unhappy result comes from the simple fact that the mother countries failed to apply the right methods in the very beginning of their different colonial enterprises, and more particularly because they failed to see that in order to lay the foundation of happy and prosperous colonies, the expenditure, which is comparatively large at the outset, is unavoidable. Of course I am not one of those who look upon the expensive policy of throwing an enormous amount of treasury into a new territory as the only successful solution of colonial enterprises. The first essential element in the right solution of the question is to frame the policy in perfect accord with the demands of the colony, and proportionate to the opportunities which it offers. To put it more practically and to the point, the first essential element upon which depends whether the colonial policy would work in perfect harmony with the conditions of the territory, is to find the right men for the leading positions of a colonial administration. I doubt if, without such a man or set of such men, any amount of capital devoted to the development of a colony would bring forth desired results. After finding right man, it is highly im- portant that die State should put absolute confidence in his administration and judgment, to give him fair freedom and to support him in the measure he proposes, and back him with appropriation, of funds without stint or narrow limitation. So supported, die man placed at the head of a colonial admin- istration should find no difficulty in bringing the territory over which the nation is carrying out its colonial policies, into such friendly mood of voluntary and enthusiastic co-operation with its mother country As for Nippon, both the empire itself and its colonial territory are both limited, in comparison to other powers and their colonial spheres. Moreover, the experiences of our imperial country in matters, colonial, are quite young. Neither would it be well for Nippon to copy in entire the policies of larger countries and their methods, in colonial enterprises. In the past the powers of the world did not look upon the colonial matters as one of the most vital of the duties of State, and for that reason the colonial policies in so many cases were miserly and near-sighted; the colonial enter- prises, have never had the advantage of commanding a large fund, which was essential for the reaping of a large harvest, from this source. For that reason, I am for a broader colonial policy. We ought to make it tune with the tendencies of world-movements in the Far East. We ought to have at heart the future of our country and its fortunes. In this day, which calls for the laying of the foundation of a great future, we ought to summon all our courage. The hour is ripe for our imperial country to lay the foundation of a great colonial policy. If not the entire foundation, let us lay at least a foundation stone, of which we need not blush in the days of our posterity. THE FAR EAST 65 PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRIES OF NIPPON. By Mr. Kume, the Second Secretary of the Bureau of the Interior, Department of Agriculture and Commerce. Being a free translation of a speech made by the Second Secretary recently. MR. KUME. INGE the olden days, agriculture has been the foundation of our State. Its prosperity or its decline has had an immediate and direct bearing on the development and destiny of our country — for that reason agriculture has been studied care- fully. New methods and improvements have, from time to time, been tested and utilized. Agriculture is more conservative, however, than any other branches of productive industry of our people. It has always had a tendency of holding on to old usages with tenacity. So much so that agriculture in our country has always given distinct signs of disregarding the progress of things in general and falling to the rear in the march. Agriculture has therefore called for repeated efforts on the part of national leaders to stimulate its progressive tendencies. Rice is the principal food product of our country. The average yield per annum for the past five years is about 44,000,000 of k°ku (one koku is about 5 bushels) amounting in value to about 600,000,000 yen. The con- sumption of rice in Nippon has been steadily increasing in amount. Take the average for the past five years; we see that our people consumed rice to the extent of 48,000,000 koku per annum. They consume, therefore, about 4,000,000 koku more than the country produces, and 4,000,000 koku is valued at about 50,000,000 yen. To this extent the people of Nippon are compelled to import foreign rice, it is readily seen then that this matter of the importation of foreign rice is an item of importance to the national economy. True, the amount that we are compelled to import from abroad for the present time amounts to about 1 0 per cent, of the entire yield of the country. It may be said, as indeed has been repeatedly said by many, that we may be able to improve our agricultural methods sufficiently in the line of rice culture to make good the deficit of this ten per cent. It is claimed that there are many acres of land in the empire still uncultivated. The im- provement of such unutilized land should easily give us what we lack today, all of which may be true but even if we could make good the deficit, i. e. the ten per cent, of the present yield, which we are importing from abroad, as the result of improvements in our agricultural methods and the utilizing of unused land, that is not sufficient — it only satisfies us for the present point of time. 66 THE FAR EAST Raw silk is one of the principal articles of export from our country. It occupies an honored place among the products of our country. The demand for raw silk all over the world seems to be steadily increasing. The world's consumption of silk is increasing at the rate of about 4,000,000 pounds per annum. Nippon, China and Italy are the three principal countries which produce raw silk. These three countries yield over eighty per cent, of the entire products of the world. The amount of silk produced in our country is being increased at the rate of about 1,700,000 lbs. per annum. At the present rate of increase it can scarcely satisfy a perceptible portion of the world's ever increasing demand for silk. Our government is doing its utmost in its fight against the different forms of pest among the silk worms, in the improvement in mulberry culture and in the study of improved methods in sericulture. It has expended a considerable sum in the training of experts in sericulture also. Associations among the men engaged in different industrial activities have proven useful in Europe and America. Such associations have a distinct and special value for farmers. Through such an association a farmer may solve with ease and comfort the most annoying item of their business, namely, securing sufficient capital to run his business smoothly, and the purchase of materials and necessary machinery, etc. Moreover such an association may assist the farmer in disposing of his products. Acording to the latest statistical reports (which were issued at the close of May, 1908) we have throughout the country more than 3,800 associations of industrial men. These associa- tions are proving their usefulness almost every day. Still we have a number of prefectures wherein we do not see 30 organizations of this kind. It is highly important that our farmers should realize the importance and useful- ness of such associations and take advantage of them. Foreign trade has developed in a marked manner. It has in truth kept pace with the development and progress of our commercial and industrial activities at home. Of late years, in different sections of the empire owing to the increased activity in our productive industries, we have seen a marked increase in the importation from abroad of raw materials. Such importation, moreover, is showing a steady increase from year to year. While the importation of raw materials is on a steady increase the exportation of manufactured articles from our country is also showing a proportionate increase. This is a matter of satisfaction. Still there is room for the improve- ment of industrial economy of the country in that we should be able to export manufactured articles in a greater ratio than the importation of raw materials. This should be borne in mind always and should claim the utmost interest and attention of our industrial circles. In order to accomplish this result I may be permitted to make the following suggestions : THE FAR EAST 67 First: Let the advantages offered by the Chambers of Commerce of the different sections of the country be utilized to the utmost and let their activi- ties tell on all the industrial and commercial enterprises and activities within their respective spheres. The Chambers of Commerce should be of distinct and practical assistance for the development and progress of different indus- trial products. Second: Let the experimental stations and commercial museums in different sections of the country have a mutual connection among themselves as well as with the central experimental station and commercial museums of a province. Let the exchange and intercommunication of different experi- mental stations and commercial museums enrich the members of such bodies with the experiences and knowledge gained by their neighbors and thus fulfill the true function of such stations and museums. Third: When a great industrial enterprise is inaugurated, it affects con- ditions, activities and market of a smaller enterprise in a similar line. There- fore it is always wiser to bring about the union and combination of many similar enterprises into one larger enterprise. In bringing about such union among many small enterprises, all of them gain in the purchase of raw materials which will be done on a larger scale. They also gain in marketing their manufactures through one channel. Moreover they will also gain in utilizing machinery on a larger scale and in common. Moreover such unity would afford convenience among the working men. The laborers can also unite as the companies which they serve, and form a co-operative organization which will attend to the purchase of the necessaries of life on a larger and more economical basis. It is important therefore that such an organization and such unity be encouraged. Fourth: The associations and unions among the people engaged in manufacturing the more principal products of their provinces throughout the empire are increasing steadily. There is room for a further increase, how- ever. The rise or the decline of such associations controlling the productive activity of the principal articles of manufacture in our country, affects not only the domestic but the foreign trade of our country gravely. It is highly important at this time following a great war when our country is passing through a critical hour of extraordinary expansion in all its various activities to pay an especial attention to the conduct of such organizations. Preservation of forests affects national economy seriously. It also has an important bearing on the preservation of the soil. It was on this account that die government has taken the steps in revising its forestry laws and regulations. The forests in our country which have suffered the greatest degree of negligence are the government properties. It has an extensive area of 1,600,000 cho (one cho equals about 2'/2 acres). In the management 68 THE FAR EAST and development of this public timber land effective measures have been taken this spring. It was embodied in a note of instruction from the Minister of the Interior to local officers. The associations of timber men have been organized, based on the revised forestry regulations. The associations are composed of the owners of timber lands and for the mutual benefit of carry- ing on their work. The benefits accruing from the organizations are not few. Especially would this be the case where a tract of forest is used by the people of different villages. In all the different prefectures the work of planting trees has been steadily increasing. It is a matter of satisfaction to see that the work of planting trees throughout the different provinces of the empire has been steadily in- creasing, and when this work will be extended to a large tract of timber land Which is still in a somewhat virgin state we shall reap a gratifying result. For the encouragement of planting camphor and other trees, the govern- ment has provided the "Encouragement Fund" since 1 907 which is expected to yield a satisfactory return. Following the Russo-Nippon war our industry in different branches passed through an expansive era. Mining, among others. In 1903, our mineral products were valued at a little over 57,000,000 yen. It rose in 1 906 to 1 08,000,000 yen and a little over. In 1 907 the amount rose to 109,000,000 yen. Ten years ago the total mineral output of our country was valued at about 34,000,000 yen. Within ten years, we have increased the mineral products threefold. The marine product occupies one of the highest positions of honor among our products. The geographical position of our country favors us in this re- spect. With all that, it is a matter to be regretted that the progress along this line has fallen far below the high standard of attainments in other lines of our productive industries. It is imperative therefore that we should examine very carefully into the marine product experimental stations, and to the work of training stations for the men engaged in fishery. It is also necessary to in- troduce improved methods in our fishery and in the construction of our fishing boats. Also, the inauguration of such protective measures for the increase and propagation of aquatic animals and vegetables. And farther, it is necessary to foster the industry in this line by establishing a more efficient channel through which the capital for this branch of industry could be secured. In short it is necessary to put our fishery on a more independent basis. To attain this result the establishment of the associations and unions of different fishery interests of the country may be considered as one of the most effective. Since we have established laws for the protection of industrial patents, we have seen some twenty-four years. Every year of this period has marked ■^ THE FAR EAST 69 a distinct and steady advance in patent protection. The last three years have marked a special and distinct advance in this line. In 1907, the number of applications for patents amounted to 4,758. It shows the increase of 1 1 00 per cent, over the showing of 1 885. The application for copy- rights on designs numbered 1,515 in 1907, the nine-fold increase over that of 1889 when it was first inaugurated. The application for trade marks amounted to 5,941. It is about seven times as many as those of 1884 when the laws regulating trade marks were inaugurated for the first time. This almost violent increase in the number of applications for patents, trade marks and copyrights on designs came from the appreciation of the necessity of putting a large number of industrial activities on a thoroughly stable and well protected basis. The necessity for such protection is keenly felt and we can thoroughly appreciate the reason why England, America, Germany and France are doing their utmost for the protection of industrial patents. The protection in patents is one of the most effective ways of fostering the very foundation of industrial activity. It is highly important that a country should afford utmost facility in encouraging useful inventions and exploiting it in its practical operations and affording it the widest application possible and thereby realizing the greatest amount of profit in the development of indus- tries. In the winter of 1906, the governors of different prefectures received instructions to establish special department in connection with commercial exhibitions based on this idea. It was for this reason also that new laws were inaugurated in connection with the Grand International Exposition that we are to have. In recent years foreigners received a large number of patents from our government. The increase in the number of patents granted to foreigners is marked. In 1907 there were 659 patents granted to foreigners out of a total number of 2,076. The foreigners therefore received nearly one-third of the total patents granted. The total number of trade marks registered last year was 3,328 of which 599 or almost one-fifth of the total number were granted to foreigners. This increase in the number of foreign patents and trade marks taken out in our country, comments pointedly on the degree of importance which foreigners place upon our empire as a commercial and industrial country. This also would induce the proprietors of patents and trade marks in our country to appreciate the necessity of protecting the rights granted them and also those granted to the foreigner and make them realize that the violation of such rights becomes a matter of grave international importance. As for the protection of copyrights and patents in China and Korea, America and Nippon have entered into a treaty understanding. Prior to the inauguration of this treaty, the industrial patents in the two countries men- 70 THE FAR EAST tioned were practically unprotected but hereafter we shall unquestionably see the terms of the treaty carried out for such protective measures as are specified m the treaty between the two contracting parties and may see new regulations inaugurated for the mutual protective measure. SAKUMA SUKENARI. THE STORY OF A JAPANESE OUTLAW. BY ADACHI KINNOSUKE. I Ns4^^^»/ HE godown No. 4, in the palace compound of Yamaguchi, M C*\ was hWed with perhaps the oldest and the choicest treasures ^L I of the princely house of Matsudaira. Three officers of the ^^^i^^ palace were present at the opening of it, and when they found it as empty as a cicada's shell, the colour of their faces changed. They rushed into it — and filled the empty godown with their bewilderment. There was no sign of a thief here, no hint of an ingress or egress that had evidently been made. All the treasures were gone; how? They did not know. Through what hole? That, they could not find. By whom? Heaven only knew. "Gompachi — Shiro — is that you?" "What's that?" whispered the officers among themselves. "Say, who is there above; is that you, Shiro?" the voice repeated. Evidently it came from under the stone floor of the godown. The officers did not answer. By-and-by, one of the flags which paved the floor lifted up gently; a man's head emerged. "Sakuma Sukenari!" A palace Officer recognised the grey-haired man. Then, all of a sudden he disappeared like the twinkle of a spark. All rushed to the stone and tried to raise it; it did not yield. A moment more, and that portion of the floor gave in. There was a fearful sound of falling bodies, and the still more fearful screams and groans of the doomed men. The floor closed up again over the wall. Then a sound as of the rushing of a mighty stream drowned the complaints of the lost. The whole clan was aroused at the news. They dug open the entire space whereupon the godown had stood. They found an immense deep well, THE FAR EAST 71 and it was full of water. However, after a painstaking search of many days, they could not recover the remains of the palace officers and men. All this happened in the early autumn, and, as I have said, in Yamaguchi of Choshyu Clan. And Choshyu is one of the southern provinces of Nihon. II Sakuma Sukenari looked out from a cave not far from the foot of the mountain, and greeted the death of the day. He was there because he knew that many hundred armed men were out hunting him on the coast of Choshyu, where the southern waves rippled. AH admired him, and most of them loved him. Every one knew that he was a robber; and every one knew that robbery was dishonourable — wrong. "Well, I will tell them Where I am, the imbeciles!" Then shading his eyes, he looked afar. The evening rays were going away from the hillside, and the dust, like soft black rain, was falling upon the Kameyama Castle Town. "Yes, by to-morrow morning they will find out my whereabouts." The lonely man smiled again and caressed his sword — this was the one friend that never disappointed him. Ill A little past midnight. A touch or two on the stone wall, and he was within the enclosure of perhaps the wealthiest house of the town. There was a fortune in that feat, and a cat might with profit have learned something from his agility. At last he reached the principal bedchamber. He ungrooved a shoji, and under his magic touch it would not utter a single squeak of protest. He was within the room as gracefully as a sportive fairy. At the head of the bed, a seed-oil, pithwick lamp was almost falling asleep over the dreams of things and men. Suddenly he stopped, and a smile, such as you see on a flower-enamelled field of May, came and united the last knot of care and made an amusing fun — a rather sad sort of fun it was, too — of that stoic indifference of his face. A sight — so unexpected, so bright, so unearthly, so innocent, so godlike — met his scrutinising eyes, and the tender humour of the situation quite over- whelmed him. A baby smiled at him. It held out its bud-like fist, Which by-and-bye opened into a flower full of dimples. Sakuma stuck his naked sword into the mat. Stooping down with that gracious pose which was natural to him, and with the sweetest smiles, he acknowleged his defeat on his knees. He was completely, absolutely vanquished. 72 THE FAR EAST At that time, when he was putting those ruby petals of the baby hand between his lips, it never occurred to him that, not quite a year before this, in the town of Wakamatsu, he had treated some thirty armed men, single- handed, to handsome, and, according to those men who had been entertained, miraculous sword-feats. But it was a fact. A hundred men might have attacked him just as well, for it made no difference to Sakuma. And this man, who could fairly dance on the sword-blades of his enemies — and what is more, enjoy the dance — he who had convinced the select men of ten clans by turns that he was a cloud, an apparition, a visitation of an oni, a ghost, a ma; he whom no iron cables, no prison bars could hold, this genius of a robber was caught. The baby was holding him with its dimpled finger. Forgetting all — forgetting for what he had broken into the house; for- getting that his visit was rather unexpected on the part of those two people, the master and the mistress of the house who were sleeping there before his eyes; forgetting that he came without any invitation; that the human eyes were not made to sleep on forever; that the night was not going to last as long as a year — he gathered up the child (and a mother would have loved him just for the manner wherewith he had caught up that baby in his arms), and sitting cross-legged, he began to play with the baby. He made faces at it; for it he twisted his fingers into the shapes of a hundred different animals and flowers and men. Then the baby, raising its fat arms, beat the air as if it wanted to tell him what it had been before it came into this world, and whence if came, and that it had not been away from its former home so long that it had forgot all about the mode of its pre-existence — which, in truth, seemed to be a happier one than that of the present. After winnowing the air vigorously, and seeing itself still in the lap of Sakuma, it opened its large, wonder-pregnant eyes. "Why, in the name of sanity, don't I rise into the air?" they seemed to query, those eyes. Just then it was evident that the humour of the situation struck its merry understanding. "Aaaa — aaaa — aaaa — 'boo — oo — ah — brrrrrrrrr ! " it shouted at the top note of its baby pipe. That jolly note from the baby throat, however, seemed to have aroused a fiend in the sharp eyes of Sakuma. They had been so childlike but a second ago! Now they were as forbidding as winter. He put his finger on the lips of the baby; shot his eyes at the sleepers. They were sound asleep yet. No danger — and his face melted again into amiable sweetness. But in a short while, it seemed that the baby was much pleased at the mouse which Sakuma formed out of his fingers and which he made crawl under the arms of the child. The baby appreciated the treatment noisily and with a vehement enthusiasm. This time the shrill scream was so loud THE FAR EAST 73 that Sakuma bit his lips, rose with a start, made a rush toward the sword he had stuck in the mat. Even that, however, did not disturb the wonderfully sinless sleepers. And when he saw himself safe again, the ridiculousness of his situation came upon him and shook every bone in him in a silent convulsion of laughter. All of a sudden he stopped laughing. Sharply he turned his eyes on the sleeping woman. The mother began singing a lullaby — sweet, plaintive, dreamy. She was still sleeping ; but somehow the cry of the child was heard by her, and she was singing, trying to soothe it to sleep with the melody. Sakuma looked at the woman till he could see no more because of the blinding tears. He still held the baby in his arms. Many things came into his head. He, too, had a home once. Yes, his wife was with him, then. He also had a girl baby — twenty-two years ago! His wife went ahead of him to meet her Buddha, for as young as she was, her heart was pure enough to see the holy lord. He lost his baby daughter in a festival crowd. And now his hair had turned grey, and after taxing to the utmost the sagacity of his brain — which the people declared to be either that of a demon or simply a miracle — in search of the lost child, and after twenty-two years, he could not find as much as a suspicion of a trace of her. "Time was when I was the model of devoted husbands, when I was loved by a woman lily-pure and lovely as a smile, when I was perfectly happy!" — so he told the baby in a whisper. He confided many more secrets to it. And the little confessor took in, without the least alarm, all the astounding revelations of the greatest robber of the age. Providence willed that this touching scene should not go on forever, and on the ice-edged air was heard the first matin of a cock. They were very quick, his movements — a little more adroit than the nervousness of electric flashes. But the baby could not understand why Sakuma should leave it on the mat, since it had such a jolly time on his lap. "A — aaa — ahiiiiiii!" it cried to him. "Sayonara!" he said, politely, to the baby. "Good-night, Innocence!" He waved his hand at it. But at the parting he weakened. Well, he wanted a little souvenir which would recall to him — in after-days of worry and torment — this night which came to him as unexpectedly as a patch of sunny sky in the dead of night. Oh, how he would have loved to carry that baby away with him! He faltered. He knew that dawn would whiten on him very soon, and yet if he were to hesitate a few moments more he would be forced to spur his beloved steed to death in order to save his life. There stood a treasure chest on the top of the bureau. He slipped it 74 THE FAR EAST under his arm. Bowing sweetly to the baby, as a gentleman of court bidding a farewell to his lady-love, he took a few steps away, his eyes still reluctant upon the child. The baby stretched forth its hands. "Aboo — aboo — oo!" it said, and at once falling on all fours crawled toward Sakuma. It stopped : looked at him. Sakuma did not come toward it, and then clouds and storm fell upon the little dimpled face. How could he leave it? Of course he went back to it. "Dear one," he whispered, "sayonara!" He took it up in his arms once again. He pressed, in a long caress, its soft pink cheeks against his, weather- beaten and callous. It felt so tender to him. Then the mother turned in her sleep with a faint groan. Like an apparition he was gone! IV There were a few gold and silver coins in the treasure chest. As was his wont, he would dole them to the freezing and the starving. The lonely life he led gave him the habit of soliliquising. "Poor wretches — they must be freezing to death, this icy day." Then he took out a mamoribukuro, and a mamoribukuro is a small em- broidered sack worn on the girdle of a child, wherein an o-fuda, a sacred card of a guardian deity, is kept along with the address of its parents. Sakuma threw it out on the ground absent-mindedly. And then took it up again with a smile. "The baby's!" he said, brightening. "I'll keep it as a memento!" But when his attention was struck with its old, wornout condition, he looked at it again. Suddenly he leaped up with it; looked around as a squirrel with a nut, and then at once opened the sack — his fingers all in a tremour, and im- patience burning his eyes. Yes, he was sure of it — the recognition came like a flash — he had given this to his little daughter twenty years ago. Inside it was the sacred card of the guardian deity of his native town — but of course there was no address. Might he yet be mistaken? He looked at it again. No, there was that family crest wrought with silk within a fold where none could see. "What, what, what!" This cynic, this misanthrope, this rider of the most perilous adventures, he who had always been stone-calm at the very fury-vortex of events, this man was in a flutter of excitement like a girl of fifteen at the death of her lover ! And all this for no other reason than that old mamoribukuro. He wanted to thank heaven — and tears were cascading his cheeks — and at the THE FAR EAST 75 same time he was, in his heart, cursing the gods for keeping his daughter away from him so long. "That was she, then, that mother!" He was as happy as if he had read his name on the golden roll in the blessed Lotus-Land of the holy Buddhas. "And the baby my grandchild!" It was too much — it quite melted him. So his daughter, lost on that festival day of so long ago, was stolen by some one. She was brought up by heaven alone knows whom, and now she was the wife of a wealthy chomn ! At last! at last! he had seen his lost daughter. And as he sat in a little, mountain-deep deserted shrine of Jido at the foot of Atago Mountain, he recalled the oath he had made to the gods. It was to the effect that as soon as he would find his lost child safe and happy he would offer his life on an altar. And now since the gods had led him — although it was after many, many weary years — to his life-desire and prayer, there seemed but one path for his feet to tread. Moreover, he was feeling the weight of snow that was on his head a little too heavy, in spite of all his brilliant wit. He robbed the rich enormously, and giving everything to the poor, lived himself the severe and simple life of an anchorite. The law of the land could not for a moment tolerate any such crime, and so it sent many an army of men after him. And, to tell the truth, those men afforded him many pleasant diversions. Now that his days were numbered, be should be seated peacefully in front of the shrine, like a pious grandfather who had spent all his life in domestic beatitude about a hearth. Thus at the close of his ripe age he would start out on a pious pilgrimage, that he might die on his way to a sacred temple of a holy Buddha. This, they say, is the most blessed of deaths, seeing that such pilgrims shall find the shortest cut to the Holy Land of the Absolute Bliss. His mind was made up. He would die in peace, and yet Wealthy, but she was now the wife of a chonin; she had been a daughter of a samurai Ah, if he could but see her a samurai! This last wish of his was the greatest, and since he knew that he could never see it fulfilled in his lifetime, this was the most pathetic of his longings as well — nevertheless, it was not an absolute despair with him. In fact, he knew by heart what the placards were publishing abroad at almost every entrance of every city, town, village, or shrine, and at every crossing of country roads. His death — and perhaps that alone — would bring about the sole and the greatest longing of his heart. What a happy death he was going to die after 76 THE FAR EAST all! A smile came and made his face look kindly, as the ripples make the deep, solemn, awful ocean playful. "Oh, daughter!" he stretched out his arms. The passion of fatherhood was sweeping him off his feet. Oh, just to clasp her once in his arms — and lo tell her what he was to her; what she was to him, just once — to be recognized by her — to claim that baby with whom he had played the night before, as his own, as his grandchild! He would have given three kingdoms; his life three times over for it. But no ! That could never be. And since it could not be They say it is harder to conquer one's self than to take a walled city. Indeed, there is no comparison at all. But, at any rate, he must see her — when she was awake and in the full light of day. Life or death — he must! How? His brain, as I have said, was very fertile. With the shower of the earliest rays the next morning, there fell — straight out of heaven, to all appearance — a mendicant before the gate of the wealthy chomn. A servant girl responded to him with a handful of rice. "As the reward of many meritorious acts of this household," said the pious voice, "the Buddhas are pleased to give the master of the family a token of their approval. Tell him, at the break of day to-morrow, to hasten to a little shrine of Jido under the pine tree at the foot of Atago Mountain, beyond the village of Hozu." He walked away a few steps, and then, as if he had forgot something, he turned round and came back to the gate. "Is there a child in the family that the humble mendicant could bless?" "Oh, yes, august priest." The maid brought out a baby in her arms. "The humble one would rather bless it in its mother's arms," said the mendicant. After a while, when a young mother came out, the deep shading ka$a (a mushroom-shaped hat) of the priest tilted a little. It was a long, lingering blessing, in a voice that trembled with emotion. It was as reluctant as a lover's farewell. It was as moving as the last song of a bird that is dying. The mother, very much touched and pleased with it all, added a few more sacks of rice and coin to the contribution. But when the mendicant wiped, very hastily, with all the nervous awkwardness of embarrassment, something off his cheeks, the mother wondered. The mendicant again started to depart. A few steps, and once more he was back and addressed the mother: THE FAR EAST 77 "To-morrow, early in the morning, before the sun, if your honourable husband were to go to a neglected little shrine of Jido at the foot of Atago Mountain, on the Hozu road " "Yes, august priest, the humble one knows the shrine," the mother told him. "There — let him go there, and the Buddhas have prepared a reward for him, and his heart will be made glad of that token of approval from the Lord Buddha." The mother, hearing the solemn voice of the holy man, wondered again at its meaning. VI As the wealthy chonin turned into the shrine of Jido, at the gate of it he read the ever-present placard: "Whoever shall deliver into the hand of authority, Sakuma Sukenari, an outlaw, alive or dead, renders a service to State. In recognition of the merits thereof, for the maintenance of peace in the land, he will be raised to the rank of samurai with the annuity of 3,000 fcoiju, and will be made a retainer of the lord of Kameyama Clan. "The prince will be pleased to honour him with the gift of a sword." To this was added a minute description of the robber, more famous than princes. Under the sacred cedar tree, close to the entrance of the inner shrine, there was a man bowing over his naked sword. The chonin walked up to him; stopped short, and examined him from a distance. "Dead!" he gasped, and jumped away. However, curiosity compelled his second glance over his shoulder. At the righthand side of the dead man he saw a treasure chest. "What!" Yes, it was his — it had been stolen a few nights before. How did it happen that it found its way to this out-of- world shrine of Jido? Naturally his spirit of investigation got the upper hand of him. As he reached down to lift the chest his eyes fell upon the characters traced on the sands of the shrine court in front of the dead man: "I am Sakuma Sukenari, the noted robber. Examine my face!" "So it was he who broke into my house the other night!" he said, with satisfaction. Then he thought of the great reward offered by the lord of the clan for the head of the outlaw. He thought: "It was by the punishment of the Buddhas that the robber at last was caught!" Pious meditations filled his heart, and tears his eyes. He seized the head of the dead by its snow locks and lifted it up. It was he. There were those scars, one over the left eye and the other across the left 78 THE FAR EAST cheek. His massive chin and his mouth, which was an emphatic line of firmness, bulldoggishness, power — every particular given in the placard was there. But as the chonin lifted up the head of the robber he saw upon his lap a mamoribukuro, made of brocade, and which was very familiar to him. It had belonged to his wife, and she had given it to the baby. So the outlaw was stupid enough to look for the treasure in a bag where the card of a guardian deity is kept! He laughed to himself and speculated on the doltish- ness of the world in general. What a joke! So they thought that this wretch was the sharpest of human wits ! VII At home, when he told his wife all the circumstances of the discovery, she became very tearfully pious, and there was much praying in the household. The stray orphan, whom the wealthy merchant married for her beauty and personal charms, died a wife of a samurai; but she never found out who her parents were. UP THE FUJI. BY HARA TARO. PAPER II T the close of the first chapter, my brush, (since we paint our ideas not with pen) I fear, entered the spirit of the ascent too freely. It outraced the orderly progress of the story of the climb. Let us therefore recall it to the hospitable door of the Fujiya Hotel. Upon our arrival, long before the cushions were warm underneath us, came the all important query: — "August guests — your preparations for the ascent?" And the writing brush that would chronicle the heroic tale up the Fuji must possess its soul in patience — for does not the tiger crouch before it springs? — and address itself in all grace to the exacting labor of cataloguing a bewildering array of men and things who and which enter into the making of a successful ascent of the noblest of Far East- ern heights. First and foremost then, the goriki. He is at once the guide and often the staff of your life. When you see him at the inn at Gotemba you do not think much of him. My telltale face must have betrayed my estimate of the simple man of muscle. For the whisper of Forty-Seven Years said in my ears: "Never, nrind, wait — you will change your mind about him. Up THE FUJI FROM THE INLET OF UKISHIMA. ' THE FAR EAST 79 the god-haunted blue, in the blinding, choking, soul-searching limb-tearing snow storms, this simple fellow would improve immensely in your estimation — mark what I say to you." Second. The long pole capped with metal which the people call the diamond staff — the kongo-zue of immemorial pilgrims. Third. The huge mushroom helmet called suge-gasa. Fourth. The rice cakes of strength famous as chikaramochi. Fifth. The portable luncheons packed doubtless by the builders of the modern apartment houses or by Nature through her ancient method of petrifi- cation. Sixth. The cold-fighting garments, thick-padded quilts putting up the brave bluff at being a garment. "August guest will you deign honor the goriki " asked the boy. "Yes." "Will you have the staff — " "Yes, yes." "Rice cakes of strength?" "Yes, Oh, yes!" "Portable luncheons?" "Yes, yes, yes, everything. In the name of Heavens everything you can think of." When we think of it, it is a splendid name, the gorily — Titantic Strength or Tower of Strength would be a faint English equivalent of it. About it, is the perfume of an old time romance. Since however, civilization smote us, high and low, with the common-school curiosity we will not let romance alone, the bitterness of uncalled for disillusionment has so often been the diet of our enlightenment. I have been punished particularly cruelly. Our goriki proved to be, on examination, nothing more romantic than a common black- smith. In summer months, he takes a pious fit — largely through the persua- sive argument of a larger gift of Mammon — and our saintly friend climbs the immaculate height of Fuji, and abandons the lowly beatings on anvil. Cheap curiosity urged me to take the peep at the freight towering high on the back of our goriki There were four quilted garments called dotera, four lunch- eons, twenty pairs of straw sandals, and for the breakfast of the morrow, the rice-cakes-of-strength. M. Alphonse Daudet was the photographer in let- ters. Who talks of his creating his immortal Tartaran on the Alps? Why all that he did was to catch our friend the goriki with all his marvelous outfit and put him in his paper prison. But why should I be talking of our goriki? Behold us in all the splendor of our mushroom helmets, diamond staves in hand, screened in with straw overcoats, straw sandled, important with the counterfeit piety of the pilgrim. A splendid procession of scare-crows ! Past Ichigome, we were closing upon the second gome. Stars had faded. Suddenly, as at a magic signal, all of us came to a halt. Above us into the 80 THE FAR EAST dream-soft sky swept the noble lines of the Fuji the Peerless; and out of the eastern sea, without a herald, without salute, without saying boo, neither in haste nor too slowly, rose the sun. The earth blushed, turned into purple, crimson, ashen grey. We had talked much; now we could not say a word. We wished to say something; felt too foolish to say it. Meanwhile our hearts filled with wonder and thrilled with piety. "Your forefathers" spoke the Wisdom of Forty-Seven, and somehow we heard a ring of the oracle in his voice, "Your forefathers were wont to climb the hills at the break of day. Look! It was at a sight like that, that they struck the earth with their brows! Do you wonder at it? Wonder is that we today don't do the same. We of today are frivolous and foolish; our fathers were simple, wiser than we and were full of noble thoughts; that is the difference." And we saw his eyes fill with tears of rising emotion. We passed the rest cave of Nigo-goshaku ; our pass joined die much older pass of Suyama- guchi at Third gome. A little beyond — and there came down to us a singular sound; it rose and fell in rythm unutterably soft; it was the human voice, the feminine voice; aye, there were many voices — wonderful! "O- yama Tea seiten" and "Mojiki chojo," they chanted. Soon we overtook the authors of rythmic voices; more wonderful far than the soft voices was the sight. It seemed that the dear ladies of one of the girl's schools in Toyko (very young and modern is the school) who in all truth had long since risen to the height of any man, now wished to rise level with the highest height of the Empire. Hence the heroic ascent of the gentle company. That you might appreciate to the full, die depth of meaning of this accent of our fellow climbers, permit me to quote here verbatim the words of our goriki spoken, I beg you to believe, with tearful and awful seriousness: "Ah, august guests, woe, woe are we, we are undone, undone." Peels of laughter from the younger members of the "august guests." "Divine spirit of the Tree-flower-blossoming Goddess! How angry it will be. Indeed to what are we coming anyway, women on the sacred Fuji! Laugh, august presences, laugh! We shall have such a storm of both wind and of hail, of snow and of rain. And it will be through special mercy of the gods, if we ever be allowed to see the soil of our birth. What are these ladies thinking of. I know, yes, yes I know, we are living in a new age; but the gods are there all the same; you will see; you will see." And ominous indeed was the shaking of his head. Another peal of laughter. Piety is a good thing but in case of our friend the goriki, it murdered the sense of humor. It was a great pity. Poor fellow! he missed it all. Huge bamboo-scale helmets and the straw hats of the year-before-last-New-York fashion, breaking the monotony of the mush- THE FAR EAST 81 room shades here and there. And some of these angels were feathered with straw wings! Nothing short of the American expression "perfectly killing" would give the slightest idea of our ladies' get-up. And our good guide could see nothing funny in that masterpiece of unconscious humor almost as delicious as the "Russian advance" of a certain young American senator, garnishing the historic path of Fuji of a midsummer's day! And the young ladies shouted one to the other the same "Mojiki chojoi" (soon the top) over and over again in their dear efforts of keeping up the courage. And after all what a splendid prophecy of future motherhood for Nippon, these school girls told in their odd costumes as they toiled up the Fuji! If not any the healthier or fonder of out-of-doors than their mothers, they certainly told the' story of a much higher altitude of freedom they had climbed — the height never known, not even dreamed of by their mothers. Now, I have not told you this but I might as well confess it: Gotemba Way is the coward's way. It is the easiest to climb. Even so, by the time you make your way up to the Second gome, you breathe much quicker than you thought you would ; you would no longer despise the sight of the accom- modating bench; you even begin to thank the thoughtfulness of some enter- prising people in dotting the ascent up the Fuji with tea houses. You at once find it convenient to forget all the anathemas with which you, in your Tokyo school dormitory, withered the insolent commercial defamation of the sacred Fuji. And always the splendor of the Fuji towers above you — no tree, no rock, nothing shuts out the awe-inspiring vision. I have said that Gotemba Way or Naka'hata Entrance is the coward's road. It is not always kindly, to the coward all the same. Unlike other passes, the very fact of the ever persisting presence of a peak before you, the monotony of grandeur, tells on you. That perhaps is the reason why there are more people who suffer from mountain sickness — quite as disagreeable as seasickness — up the Gotemba pass. These things doubtless must have been in the minds of our father who said, "You are wrong my boy. Laughing at the girls? They are doing wonderfully well ; the youngest seems to be not more than fifteen." "But Master," protested the goriki, "In the old days no women dared to pollute the sacred mountain with their presence. They were modest. Women are not meant to climb heights, much less such sacred heights as this, made awful with the presence of the gods!" "Do you know my good man whose divine presence makes this noble mountain sacred?" "Ei, master, it is the deity of the Sengen whose shrines are everywhere all over the Fuji. We shall see the main temple at the top of the peak, Master. Ei, it was in the 7th year of the Period of Teikwan (865 A. D.) in the ; 82 THE FAR EAST august reign of Emperor Seiwa that the deity was invited to dwell in die shrine of Sengen, etc. "Since you are learned, tell us" said the Wisdom of Forty-Seven, "who is the deity of the Sengen shrine?" "It is Konohanasakuya-hime-no-mikoto — " "That sounds to me like the name of a goddess" interrupted Forty- Seven. We laughed, hut silent was our guide. "I suppose then that after all the ladies have better right to grace the sacred height of Fuji than the homelier sex." Shigome: I came to a halt. The rest-cave looked so inviting. "Al- ready?" This from Forty-Seven Years. "I am cold" I said, not knowing what else to say. And indeed as I paused, I shivered. In the early hour of this summer day we had plunged into the spray-pool of the waterfall, but we had all forgot it. We had been streaming with perspiration a few moments ago. All that also we had completely forgot. I felt as if I had plunged into the artic sea from off the midsummer island. Here at the improvised restaurant, we were treated to the famous pickeled fruit called hamanashi, called also koketnomo. They grow on stunted bushes scarce a foot tall and which carpet the height. In the ancient days — so runs the time honored legend — there lived a sage in China called Jofuku. He sailed out upon the eastern seas in quest of an island where men never die, in search of the death-vanquishing herb. When he saw the Fuji he hailed it as his long sought Eldorado. On his way up the Fuji, he met a stranger who gave him the ruby-like berries, the hamanashi. The sage never returned home to China. He stayed; hair of snow, but face of a child, he never grew old. At last he was translated and today is eternal as the peak of Fuji. The hamanashi bush is one of those stunted growths which we can see almost in any mountain at certain altitude. The good people of Fuji will not believe you, however, if you were to tell them this. Beautiful is their faith. Firmly, they believe in spite of all modern books of botany that the ruby berries are only to be found along the slopes of Fuji. Most piously do they believe every word of the legend, the translated, child-faced sage and all. Happy people! Fifth gome — A little beyond that at the point called Gogo-goshaku-me, midway between fifth and die sixth, there is a cave. "Amida and Rakwan" with which pious exclamation our goriki came to a sudden halt. The jaws of all of us dropped, I confess without shame, and our eyes as well as our mouths were wider open than were becoming. Before us, was a company of strangers, strangers from over many a far sea. And both men and women. The scene would have been heartrending almost gruesame. But nature is a master dramatist. The unutterable drollery of their costumes and general makeup were wonderful to behold. Instead of shoeing their feet with straw THE FAR EAST 83 sandals, they shod their leather shoes with them. The ladies were cloaked with straw over-garments. Perhaps they were on their way to join the ancient sage of China, Jofuku and his winged company who are eternal with Fuji; otherwise these straw wings were not very pleasing lady-like orna- ments. Wonderful as was the sight of the strange company, much more marvelous than the sight, was the effect which it produced upon our goriki The silence which had continued unbroken since the remark from our father about the ladies of the girls' school, fairly exploded: "We are undone, danna, we are undone! There will be a terrific storm before this day be done, such as we have never seen, such as we shall never see again!" muttered our guide, "The desecrating presence of men of strange land never has failed to anger the deity of Sengen. But master, there are women, women among them!" Three explosions of heretical hilarity from us. "Good morning" came the pleasant greeting from one of the strangers, and in Nipponese. He told us that he has never failed to climb the Fuji every summer. On this occasion he was accompanied by his guests from New York. American ladies were not used to mountain climbing, hence the trouble. "How beautiful they are, the ladies of America" reflected the oracle of Forty-Seven- Years as we climbed on, "America must be the land of the fair as well as of the free" "But the August Sengen-sama is not pleased with them. We will have the storm. "You will see, you will see" repeated our goriki. Our path lost its sandy and gravelly complexion. It became rocky and grim of aspect. "The snow!" One of our party exclaimed. And sure enough, hidden in the crevices of rocks, smeared with ashen dust was the snow. And we borrowed the quilted over-garments from the back of our guide. We were now above the Sixth gome. 84 THE FAR EAST FUNDAMENTALS OF OUR DIPLOMATIC POLICY TOWARD CHINA. BY COUNT OKUMA. The following interview was given on the 1 2th day of October, 1 908, to a representative of the Taiyo of Tokyo. Count Okuma is by far the greatest personality of Nippon, out- side of the official circles, and there are many who look to him as the strongest and ablest man of any living statesmen of the Empire. Count Okuma has been out of office since his resignation as Premier in 1 898. Ever since he has retained his commanding position — this simple fact is eloquent as it is apparent to every one who is versed in the conditions of Nippon. The expressions of the Count in the following are much freer and very much more sincere than any ex- pressions from an official of the Imperial Government could possibly be. There are no fetters which enslave such expressions on the part of the Count. Moreover the following expression is of especial value because it voices the sentiment of a large number of thinkers and political students of the Far East of which the Count is the distin- guished leader. XT seems that the Chinese question is attracting an ever growing attention of the rest of the world. America is not alone in her studious altitude toward the Chinese question. England which has had her dealings with China for well nigh seventy years past, has not neglected China. She has a greater, more extended and vital interest in China than any other foreign power. It is naural that her enthusiastic interest in China outshines that of the rest of the world. As is well known the first power which entered China in the more modern days, was England. The Opium "War and the famous Canton Affair passed into history some seventy years ago. It was then as you know that Hongkong was ceded to Great Britain by China as the result of the war. Since then about one-half of the entire trade of China has fallen into the hands of England. The remaining half has been shared among such coun- tries as America, Germany, Nippon and so on. The aggressive activity of Germany of late in China has done much in fostering and developing her trade rapidly. Germany has occupied Kiauchau Bay; in her hand she holds the Shantung Railway. German capital is flowing into die interior of China in a no modest measure. Naturally Ger- man investigation of Chinese affairs has been assuming greater and greater THE FAR EAST 85 proportions every day. France is in Tonking; she is not 'blind to the swift drama in China proper. In this manner, all the leading powers of the world have come to take active part in the investigation and study of China, the country and the people. That China has commanded so much international attention comments well on the greatness of that country. While Europe and America are thus studiously investigating and studying China on the one hand, it is somewhat surprising that, on the other hand, her close neighbor, Nippon, has been exceedingly slow and idle in her investiga- tion and study of China. We have seen fifteen centuries since the culture of China took us by the hand and led us out of darkness. Since then we intro- duced bodily into our country, the court ceremonies, customs, die institutions of China. We adopted the Chinese institutions and culture in just about the same wholesale manner as today we are taking the institutions and civilization of Europe, — to such an extent indeed that we ended in becoming a country of similar culture. Down to the days of the new regime, the education of the Nippon race was largely based on the four books and five suttas of Con- fucius. Our educational system was very similar to that of China. We are the closest neighbor of China; moreover from the standpoint of the race, there is a great similarity also. From the commercial standpoint, especially of late, Nippon has been doing a great deal of business with China. Our trade with China ranks only next to that of Great Britain. However great may be the efforts Germany put forth, or however strong may be the aggressive measures of America, we are fairly confident that they could hardly rank above us in the command of Chinese trade. And we do not hesitate to believe that in the future, Nippon shall continue to hold her position which today is second only to that of Great Britain. We believe also that she will hold her position against all comers. In spite of all these facts it cannot be denied that the people of Nippon are exceedingly idle in their study and investigation of China and the Chinese affairs. True, the number of men who are study- ing China is increasing every year. We have seen the growth of such organi- zations as To-a Dobunkai and Nisshin Kyokai and other associations of similar nature. In the Imperial University, the students of ethnology, of geology, of architecture and economic sciences have also gone into painstaking study of the people and country of China. Still if we compare the efforts of our students in this line to the work done on the part of European scholars, it must be confessed that our enthusiasm for the study of China is cool indeed. There is another very striking defect in connection with our knowledge of China. China has not entered as yet into the full community of the powers of the world. The powers of Europe and America exercise in China and over China what is called the exterritorial jurisdiction. In spite of this, these powers interpret the exterritoriality in the most generous manner. In their 86 THE FAR EAST personal associations with the Chinese, Europeans and Americans are com- paratively intimate. On the contrary we, the people of Nippon, treat the Chinese with something akin to contempt. We treat them with very much greater measure of disrespect than do either the European or die American. Now and then I have heard of incidents in connection with our relations with Ohina that to me had more than a hint of unnecessary rigor, of an appearance of the stronger abusing the weaker, and now and then we have also heard of an affair or two which made us doubt whether we were always generous toward our Chinese neighbors. Take, for example, the Tatsu-maru affair and the boycott which followed it. Doubtless the Chinese were in the wrong. Still one may be pardoned to question whether the diplomacy of Nippon were either the most skillful or the wisest. We have received more than one criticism from both our European and American friends on our diplomatic attitude in this unfortunate affair which, as a matter of fact, did excite hostility among the men of South China. We are forced to the conclusion that perhaps there was a mistake ; not only that but perhaps the blunder was committed not only once but repeatedly. Of course there is no necessity here to recount, in detail, these unfortunate cases. Men of the world have guessed at the truth in all these matters but when one pauses long enough to ask the reason why such incidents should occur at all, we shall discover that while the rest of the world is placing so much weight on the investigation and study of China and things Chinese, we of Nippon have so little comparatively of the true knowledge of China. It is the same old case of the darkness under a lighthouse. We have been reading the books of China for the past fifteen hundred years, so we naturally say unto ourselves that we know a great deal about China, and it is true we do know a great deal of the China of the ancient days. As for the China of the present day die condition of her government, of her commerce, her sentimental attitude, these we have not studied and we are reaping the sad fruits of our ignorance. We have heard much of the reforms in China. Still it is a far cry to the day when China launches herself fully on the highway of progress and succeeds in making the world tremble at the very mention of her name. As she stands today, there is nothing to fear from China as far as might is con- cerned. This idea I believe is ever present in the minds of the Nippon people. Time was when the countries used to carry out diplomatic measures through force and through force brought about international amity, promoted com- merce and so forth; but that time has passed. Moreover the position occupied by China is such that it is no longer possible for one country to dictate to her through force pure and simple. As for Nippon her attitude toward China is well defined through the Anglo- Japanese Alliance. Through this alliance, it is not possible for us to act independently toward China every time THE FAR EAST 87 difficulty arises. We must at once consult the wishes of England. More- over, we have entered into an agreement with France. There is the Russo- Nippon Commercial Treaty also. As far as the open door policy in China is concerned our country received an open letter from America while the late Mr. McKinley was President, and in answer to the circular letter of America we expressed our hearty co-operation. From this, it is very apparent that it is impossible for us or for any other one power, to decide the destiny of China at its own pleasure. On this one point of respecting the integrity of China and encouraging her in her efforts of civilizing herself and thus share in the commercial advantages accruing from the Chinese market with the rest of the powers there, is only one policy that is practicable. It may be true that there be a country or two which may entertain certain ambition secretly in the future disposition of China but no powers of the world however great, at present dare to carry out such a scheme openly. In short, it is impossible for any one power to set at naught the policy enunciated in the Anglo- Japanese Treaty. From this it is clear that he who dreams of dominating China through force alone, is suffering from a serious blunder of judgment. Indeed there is no necessity of intimidating China through a show of force, since through the Anglo-Japanese Treaty and through approval of all the powers which have vested interests in China such as America, Germany, France and Russia, we may at any time bring about sufficiently effective measures whenever we find that one single power is trying to carry out its own selfish program in China for its exclusive advantage, commercial, political or otherwise, to the exclusion of the rest of the powers interested. While China is not to be aroused suddenly and to the full, it is quite evident that China is awakening rapidly. She is straining her efforts to bring about effective reforms. She is extending (her new educational system through the Empire. She has already sent Nippon several thousand students. She is sending great numbers of students both to Europe and America. Al- ready the edict promising the constitutional government has been promulgated. Of late, she has sent her eminent ministers to Nippon and Europe for the investigation of constitutional states of the world. Just as the outside world takes great interest in the future of China, so the future China is to have a large influence on the affairs of the outside world. She is in short claiming a very serious international attention today. It is therefore high time for us both as a government and as a people to adopt a new attitude toward China, to change our old conceptions a little toward her and promise ourselves that we shall not repeat our blunders of the past. To the utmost we should adopt the policy of friendship toward China. Since China is now seriously pro- gressing in all her diverse reforms, it should be our determination at all times to assist her in this good work. Such attitude toward China will be produc- THE FAR EAST tive of much benefit. The Chinese boycott against us seems to have now spent itself. Still the fact remains that we have done great violence to the friendly sentiments of the southern Chinese toward us. The hostility of the Chinese in Hongkong, Canton and other cities abroad is not to be easily moli- fied. The loss that we have suffered every day through the Chinese hostility has been very great. There are those who do not place serious emphasis on commercial matters, and on commercial relations, still it is idle to deny the fact, that the international relations are founded upon economic relations. Without a stable economic base the international relations become exceedingly weak. From a political standpoint the powers of the world have a well defined understanding as far as China is concerned. In all their economic activities they are to act on the principle of equal opportunities. China is therefore a race course open and free for all. In this sphere of free competition, there is no country in the world which commands as much advantages as Nippon. Our customs and our view points are more or less similar to ihose of China. Speaking from a geographical standpoint of view, we are closest to China on point of distance. It is to be hoped that our people should adopt the policy of entire co-operation with China. Unfortunately there have been too many cases of irresponsible adventurers of our country who have succeeded in joining Chinese merchants and inflicted loss upon them. We have heard of other incidents where our people have insulted the Chinese or treated them with insolence on the slightest provocation. Even though in many cases the Chinese are at fault, I do not see why our people should not treat them with a special mark of generosity. When there is a difference between a man and a child it is expected that the grown-up should make all allowances for a child and even if a child be in the wrong a man should treat him with a sufficient measure of generosity and forebearance, and because we are not always generous to our Chinese neighbor, the attitude of the Chinese toward Nippon is not always most friendly. At the time of the Boxer trouble, we have seen a striking tendency on the part of the Chinese to show his enthusiastic friendship toward Nippon. Since the Russo-Nippon war the Chinese should show a greater measure of friendliness toward us but the fact is quite to the contrary. Instead of increasing his friendliness toward us, he seems to have turned to the European and the American. We of Nippon have not been pleased by this hostile attitude of the Chinese. Perhaps the Chinese are in the wrong; in fact they are decidedly in the wrong, still there is room for questioning whether the attitude of the Nippon people toward China in the days following the Russo-Nippon war were altogether correct. Were there not a tendency of treating the Chinese with a more or less contempt? If our people and our country were to deal with die Chinese in the spirit of frankness THE FAR EAST 89 and friendship and a great measure of generosity and Whenever China commit- ted a blunder had we gone to them and said, "Now we shall not say any- thing about this for this time but such attitude on your part is highly detri- mental not only to our own interests but to your own as well," and had we with patience pointed out where they erred, we certainly would have reaped a much more kindly fruit however obstinate and ignorant the Chinese might be. The Chinese are not, as a race, the most obstinate or the most insolent to those who do them good. As a proof of this statement, let us recall the incident of the Boxer trouble. When in 1900 we occupied Pekin, the soldiers of Nippon above all the soldiers of other powers, did most to protect the Chinese and their interests. Now prior to the Boxer trouble, we had not enjoyed among diem the best of reputations. The Chinese remembered well the war they had had with us. They remembered more especially the enormous indemnity which they had paid to us at the close of the Chinese War. In spite of their exceedingly unfavorable opinions of us prior to the Boxer trou- ble, as soon as they saw with what care and with what sincere friendliness we tried to protect the Chinese interests in the time of trouble, they were not slow in abandoning their hostile attitude of old and began at once to place a surprising measure of confidence and trust in Nippon. As the result, the Chinese entrusted the education of her army, the training of her police and other educational work into the hands of Nippon instructors. They began to say they should carry out the reforms in their own country after the man- ner and pattern of Nippon. This confidence of the Chinese should have inspired among our people a large measure of friendship toward China. In the early days of foreign intercourse, Nippon herself had many a bitter ex- perience and many trying humiliation. We should have said to ourselves that since we suffered in the early days of foreign intercourse and now our neighbor China is passing through similar experiences, we should do everything in our power to assist her in the trying ordeal of the days of the beginning of things. We should have dealt with the Chinese with all sympathy of a fellow sufferer. Instead of that and a short period later when once we succeeded in defeating Russia, we somehow were unfortunate enough to give the Chinese an impression that we became swollen with pride. This did great injury to the friendliness of the Chinese toward us. The Chinese began at once to entertain suspicion toward our people and were not slow to say that the people of Nippon are crafty. They are full of tricky designs and what we took to be their friendship in the past, was really not true friendship but was a means to an end. I believe that the misunderstanding under which our Chinese friends suffer today comes largely from just such conception of the people of Nippon. I sincerely believe that this is merely a misunderstanding on the part of the Chinese. There is no question in my mind that no such 90 THE FAR EAST idea as to assume an insolent attitude toward the Chinese exist on the part of our people. Our actions Which were taken to he Iblack and full of guile by our Chinese friends, were really quite unintentional on the part of our people. They were of those unfortunate incident which happen without any evil intent, but, in the disorderly days which follow every war in every country. It was purely temporary in nature. There was nothing studied or 'backed by evil intent in all our actions which the Chinese interpreted to be exceedingly hostile to them. In those war days when people were more or less excited Chinese committed a blunder or two and I believe it is very likely that our people exaggerated die gravity of the offence committed by them. There is no special efforts on the part of the Nippon people to despise the Chinese or to take advantage of their national weakness. Both high and low, our people believe in the Chinese spirit of making every effort for advancement and pro- gress. We believe that the China of today is but half developed and we sincerely hope that she will realize the fruits of civilization to the full. What- ever friction we have experienced with the Chinese has been largely the out- come of temporary misuderstanding or collision but in the excitable days following the war one thing is so apt to lead into another and since we our- selves are well aware that we are far from being free from blunders ourselves, I hope most sincerely that we shall treat the Chinese with utmost friendliness and make the Chinese thoroughly understand our sincere good wishes toward them. THE FAR EAST 91 AMERICAN NIPPON UNDERSTANDING. On Monday, the 30th of November, 1 908, the following note of agree- ment were exchanged between Baron Takahira Kogoro, Ambassador of Nippon at Washington and Mr. Elihu Root, Secretary of State. The note from Baron Takahira contained the identical articles of agree- ment with the following preamble: And the dream of the triple alliance of America, England and Nippon has, at last, been realized. Department of State, Washington, Nov. 30, 1908. Excellency: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note setting forth the result of the exchange of views between us in our recent interviews defining the under- standing of the two Governments in regard to their policy in the region of the Pacific Ocean. It is a pleasure to inform you I that this expression of mutual understanding is welcome to the Government of the United States as appropriate to the happy relations of the two countries and as the occasion for a concise mutual affirmation of that accordant policy respecting the Far East which the two Governments have so frequently declared in the past. I am happy to be able to conform to your Excellency on behalf of the United States the declaration of the two Governments embodied in the following words: 1. It is the wish of the two Governments to encourage the free and peaceful develop- ment of their commerce on the Pacific Ocean. 2. The policy of both Governments, uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing status quo in the region above mentioned and to the defence of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry in Ghina. 3. They are accordingly firmly resolved reciprocally to respect the territorial possessions belonging to each other in said region. 4. They are also determined to preserve the common interests of all Powers in China by supporting by all pacific means at their disposal the independence and integrity of China and the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry of all nations in that empire. 5. Should any event occur threatening the status quo as above described or the principle of equal opportunity as above defined it remains for the two Governments to communicate with each other in order to arrive at an understanding as to what measures they may consider it useful to take. Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration. Elihu Root. His Excellency Baron Kogoro Takahira, Japanese Ambassador. Imperial Japanese Embassy, Washington, Nov. 30, 1908. Sir: The exchange of views between us which has taken place at the several inter- views which I have recently had the honor of holding with you has shown that Japan and the United States, holding important outlying insular possessions in the region of the Pacific Ocean, the Governments of the two countries are animated by a common aim, policy and intention in that region. Believing that a frank avowal of that aim, policy and intention would not only tend to strengthen the relations of friendship and good neighborhood which have immemorially existed between Japan and the United States but would materially contribute to the preser- vation of the general peace, the Imperial Government have authorized me to present to you an outline of their understanding of that common aim, policy and understanding. 92 THE FAR EAST THE NEW EAST IN THE MAKING. BY ASADA MASUO. CHINA AND HER NAVY. X T is reported that China has opened a negotiation with the British Government for the return of Weihaiwei. As our readers may recall, at the time Russia occupied Port Arthur, Great Britian succeeded in securing Weihaiwei which is the naval base facing Port Arthur across the mouth of the Gulf of Pechili. It is one of the important naval stations in China. The negotiation opened with the British Government for the return of Weihai- wei is significant at the present time. China is now trying seriously to re- organize her navy. The central government at Pekin decided to entrust the management of the navy into the hands of the Ministry of War but in order to facilitate the work of reorganization of the navy, the Pekin government appointed the viceroys of Chihli, of the Liangkiang and of Manchuria to assist the president of the Board of War in this important work of the rebuilding of her new navy. <|At present the Chinese Navy is negligble — < it has a few light cruisers and a few new gun boats but after the Chinese War of 1894-5, the Chinese Navy has been practically non-existent. THE FUTURE OF THE IRON WORKS IN NIPPON. ffThe Imperial Iron Works in particular and the iron industry in Nippon in general, commanded a lengthly editorial in the issue for 23rd, October, 1908 of the Tokyo Asahi. The future of the iron works in Nippon seems exceedingly black. In the first days of the establishment of the Imperial Iron Works, our people thought, — light heartedly enough — that five million yen was a sufficient amount to lay its foundation. In that picturesque kaleidoscope of murdered hopes, called government enter- prises, the most serious disappointment perhaps, has been the Imperial Iron Works. Instead of five million yen, it has already taken thirty millions in the ten years of its existence, and the whole story has not yet been told. In sooth, even financial prophets — none too famous for their conversatism — seem to hesitate to say just how much more money will be needed to establish it firmly. A few years ago the government felt the necessity of appointing a commission to examine into the conditions and workings of the Imperial Iron Works. It was composed of both private business men and governmental officers. In the judgment of the com- THE FAR EAST 93 mission, the Imperial Iron Works should have worked to the point of paying its own bills in the year, 1907. The actual fact has turned out to be very far from it. In the year 1 907, it showed the loss of 1 ,800,000 yen and it is expected that in the fiscal year of 1 908, the loss will not be less than 1,400,000 yen. That is merely in the operating expenditure of it. In addition to this, the initial expenditure for the establishment of the iron works itself has been showing greater and greater deficit every year. For the fiscal year of 1907, 5,900,000 yen was devoted to make good (he deficit, and it is estimated that not less than 3,000,000 yen will be applied in this fiscal year of 1 908 for this one purpose. CflThe contention of the apologist for this unsatisfactory condition of the Imperial Iron Works, is in the tremendous rise in the price of coal. The sudden rise of coal since the war is a fact. That this high price of coal would have a tremendous effect upon the iron works goes without saying. Since last year, however, the price of coal fell from twenty to thirty per cent, but fall in the price of iron manufactures has been nearly 50 per cent, causing another disappointment Which threatens to be much more disastrous than the high price of coal. NEW PURITANISM IN THE NEW EAST. ^[Puritanism is seeing its apotheosis in the Nippon of today. The key- note of the Imperial rescript of the 13th of October 1908 is: "Above all, excel in frugality." In his speech before die governors of different prefectures, Premier Marquis Katsura, at 10 o'clock in the morning of the 14th of October, 1908 said: "The foundation of the development of national destiny is to destroy the tendency and customs of frivolity and mere show; it is a matter that should engage our most serious at- tention in this hour of national ascendency." On the same day, the Minister of the Interior addressing the convention of local governors and discussing the fundamental element in the work of upbuilding the state and its interest, urged them "to shave down useless expenditure, to tighten the leakage of public funds and raise the warning against the sad tendency for luxury on the part of the people; encourage vigorous application of the principles of economy and sobriety and, at the same time, foster by every energetic effort productive enterprises among the people etc. The above may come as a brand new bit of news to the American readers of the thousand and one entertaining articles on the Japanese menace which are appearing almost every day through American newspapers. It would be a happy day for us, if our good friends in America, would on a fine morning, awake and discover one great and monumental fact — that a 94 THE FAR EAST certain type of American newspapers is one titantic fairyland of illegiti- mate extravagances in news — especially in foreign news. ESTABLISHMENT OF NIPPON LEAD PENCIL MANUFACTURING CO. > _i. .2 « Cl, Ou •= fe -c c I * 8 12 H H tj 13 Just Published In Korea with Marquis Ito BY George Trumbull ladd, LL. D. Illustrated. $2.50 net. Post paid, $2.70 THE CONTENTS Rulers and People Resources and Finance Education and the Public Justice Foreigners and Foreign Relations Wrongs: Real and Fancied Missions and Missionaries July, 1907, and After The Solution of the Problem The Invitation First Glimpses of Korea Life in Seoul The Visit to Pyeng-Yang Chemulpo and other Places The Departure Personal Reminiscences and Impressions The Problem : Historical The Compact Marquis Jto. Undoubtedly the most important work on Korea and Japan, as far as their present relations are concerned, that has been brought out. Professor Ladd had, through his relations with Marquis lto, very exceptional facilities for personal observation in Korea, and unprecedented opportunities for obtaining inside information and accurate knowledge as to the past and present conduct of Japan and her present intentions. Much hitherto unpublished material was placed in his hands enabling him to estab- lish beyond reasonable doubt the truth about certain matters which he discusses in his book. The book is partly the account of personal experience described in a readable and interesting way, and in part a serious first hand discussion of a weighty political problem, and it is consequently of interest both to those who want merely a surface picture of conditions and to those who want to study the problem seriously. No one can, in the future, write history of these events or discuss them with author- ity, without making himself familiar with the views and conclusions of Prof, Ladd in this book. "Written with great care. It is one of the most in- forming books on the East that has yet been published. —Philadelphia Inquirer. 'It cannot fail to be of interest" The ex-King and present King of Ko -Louisville Courier-Journal. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS EDITORIAL ANNOUNCEMENT © EGINNING with the Febuary issue we shall carry in our magazine a series of articles (the number of which can- not be definitely stated at the present time) on a com- prehensive presentation of the Empire of Nippon its geographical position, natural resources both of land and sea, its transportation facilities, its arts both fine and applied, its history, the everyday life of its people, the characteristics of the race, its literature, its varied institutions both past and those still in existence, and its aspirations. And this series may take courage even to cast a glance or two into the realm of the prophet. If only, therefore the ambition, of the writer be realized, it will be the first comprehensive presentation in English of Nippon and its people by one bom to the soil. The data upon which the work has been compiled are of the most recent procurable. im?:e Remington Typewriter Has been successfully adapted to write the >ne-e . ^. :-^v^' Tne Remington ■ ; ,~ ■-•■'*■■' H&W _ is noted every- where Sim- ple, D. able Construe con. ivatakana Easy ana . •-. id operation,. Iv Specimens sent on®^?1 WS^ "* caPac_ request. ^^^^mB§&&sMp^*" rk« Remington Typewriter Company New York and Everywhere. Detroit Branch — 148 Wayne St. HE most exhaustive history of the Russo-Japanese War from the Russian side: i^\HE Tragedy of Russia in Pacific Asia. ^%fc^^ By Frederick McCormick, the Associated Press Correspondent with the Russian Army. 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